Generations, political attitudes and voting behavior in Taiwan and Hong Kong

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
T.Y. Wang
1972 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 529-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward B. Blanchard ◽  
M. Eugene Scarboro

Rotter's (1966) I-E Scale and Mirels' (1970) Political Activity Factor derived from that scale were shown to have no significant value in predicting the voting behavior or political attitudes of 18- or 19-yr.-old college students voting for the first time or of older students who had been eligible to vote in a previous election Parental voting behavior and political attitudes were not significantly related to those behaviors and attitudes in students.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 277-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yotam Margalit

How does the experience of economic shocks affect individuals' political views and voting behavior? Inspired partly by the fallout of the financial crisis of 2008, research on this question has proliferated. Findings from studies covering a broadening range of countries and economic contexts highlight several notable patterns. Economic shocks—e.g., job loss or sharp drop in income—exert a significant and theoretically predictable, if often transient, effect on political attitudes. In contrast, the effect on voting behavior is more limited in magnitude and its manifestations less understood. Negative economic shocks tend to increase support for more expansive social policy and for redistribution, strengthening the appeal of the left. But such shocks also tend to decrease trust in political institutions, thus potentially driving the voters to support radical or populist parties, or demobilizing them altogether. Further research is needed to detect the conditions that lead to these distinct voting outcomes.


Author(s):  
Nicoletta Cavazza ◽  
Piergiorgio Corbetta

The debate that has arisen around the weakening of the traditional cleavages’ heuristic power in explaining vote suggests considering the role of lifestyles in designing politically meaningful social aggregates. We investigated the relationship between lifestyle and voting behavior, establishing the degree to which this relationship traces the effect of the socio-structural categories (e.g. social class) or is, at least in part, independent of them. Through a k-means clustering, we individuated a typology of four Italian lifestyles; we showed its relation to socio-demographic features and its ability to discriminate participants’ political attitudes. The subscription to each lifestyle was significantly associated with voting behavior, net of the variance accounted for by the traditional cleavages. The theoretical implication and further direction of research are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Galli ◽  
Davide Angelucci ◽  
Stefan Bode ◽  
Chiara De Giorgi ◽  
Lorenzo De Sio ◽  
...  

AbstractSelf-reports are conventionally used to measure political preferences, yet individuals may be unable or unwilling to report their political attitudes. Here, in 69 participants we compared implicit and explicit methods of political attitude assessment and focused our investigation on populist attitudes. Ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, we recorded electroencephalography (EEG) from future voters while they completed a survey that measured levels of agreement on different political issues. An Implicit Association Test (IAT) was administered at the end of the recording session. Neural signals differed as a function of future vote for a populist or mainstream party and of whether survey items expressed populist or non-populist views. The combination of EEG responses and self-reported preferences predicted electoral choice better than traditional socio-demographic and ideological variables, while IAT scores were not a significant predictor. These findings suggest that measurements of brain activity can refine the assessment of socio-political attitudes, even when those attitudes are not based on traditional ideological divides.


1996 ◽  
Vol 147 ◽  
pp. 912-937 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Y. S. Cheng ◽  
Jane C. Y. Lee

The empirical study of bureaucrats in the Hong Kong government, particularly in their relationship with politicians in the legislature, is a relatively new subject of academic interest. This effort at systematic research is related to the fact that both senior civil servants and politicians are essential to effective government. While senior civil servants in Hong Kong have dominated the political process in the territory for 150 years, politicians have gained importance since the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Britain signed the Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong in 1984. It follows that the relationships between these two leadership groups are of great interest, theoretically, empirically, practically and politically. The key problem of any government is how these elite groups interact. A major concern is maintaining an efficient and able bureaucracy with enough independence to do an effective job of administration, while operating in a political context in which politicians are competitive and accountable to the electorate, reacting to the constant demands and expectations of special and general interests. The maintenance of a proper balance between efficiency and responsiveness in such an environment has to be achieved if the polity is to function effectively and be stable


Author(s):  
Shalom H. Schwartz

This chapter explains how values structure political attitudes and behavior, by laying out the theoretical framework and arguing for the relevance of these personal values to politics. It defines ten broad values according to the motivation that underlies each of them. These ten values may encompass the full range of motivationally distinct values recognized across cultures. They are likely to be universal because they are grounded in one or more of three universal requirements of human existence, with which they help people cope: needs of people as biological organisms, requisites of coordinated social interaction, and survival and welfare needs of groups. The chapter's analyses indicate that some of the personal values—in particular, tradition, conformity, hedonism, and universalism—have both direct and indirect effects on voting behavior and political attitudes.


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