Syntactic Identity in Sluicing: How Much and Why

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Chung

Research on sluicing has not yet reached consensus on whether the identity condition on this ellipsis construction is syntactic or semantic. Evidence from Chamorro and English is presented that over and above semantic identity, sluicing requires limited syntactic identity. The limited syntactic identity condition involves argument structure on the one hand and abstract Case on the other. This approach is shown to account for a range of novel and familiar sluicing patterns in the two languages. It also provides new evidence for the idea that the Chamorro antipassive is an implicit argument construction.

2018 ◽  
Vol 134 (4) ◽  
pp. 1154-1176
Author(s):  
Alice Bodoc ◽  
Mihaela Gheorghe

Abstract The present paper aims to present an inventory of Romanian middle contructions (se‑verbal constructions), and to extend the analysis to other structures (with or without se) that were not previously investigated, but exhibit the same characteristics, and seem to allow middle reading (adjunct middles). Since Jespersen (1927), middles were attested cross-linguistically, and the focus on middles is justified if we consider the fact that this is an interesting testing ground for theories of syntax, semantics and their interaction (Fagan 1992). Starting from Grahek’s definition (2008, 44), in this paper, middles are a heterogeneous class of constructions that share formal properties of both active and passive structures: on the one hand, they have active verb forms, but, on the other hand, like passives, they have understood subjects and normally display promoted objects. The corpus analysis will focus on the particular contexts in which the middle reading is triggered: i) the adverbial modification; ii) the modal/procedural interpretation of the event; iii) the responsibility of the subject; iv) the arbitrary interpretation of the implicit argument which follows from the generic interpretation (Steinbach 2002).


Author(s):  
Jim Wood ◽  
Neil Myler

The topic “argument structure and morphology” refers to the interaction between the number and nature of the arguments taken by a given predicate on the one hand, and the morphological makeup of that predicate on the other. This domain turns out to be crucial to the study of a number of theoretical issues, including the nature of thematic representations, the proper treatment of irregularity (both morphophonological and morphosemantic), and the very place of morphology in the architecture of the grammar. A recurring question within all existing theoretical approaches is whether word formation should be conceived of as split across two “places” in the grammar, or as taking place in only one.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel González Rodríguez

This paper focuses on resultative and progressive periphrases in Spanish: &lt;<em>estar</em> ‘to be’ + participle&gt; and &lt;<em>estar</em> ‘to be’ + gerund&gt;, respectively. These periphrases have been associated with several negated constructions. On the one hand, the negative particle <em>no</em> ‘not’ can precede the auxiliary verb (&lt;<em>no estar</em> ‘not to be’ + participle&gt; and &lt;<em>no estar</em> ‘not to be’ + gerund&gt;); on the other hand, we have the structure &lt;<em>estar sin</em> ‘to be without’ + infinitive&gt;. Contrary to what has been suggested in the literature, I will show that these negative constructions have a different interpretation and develop a semantic analysis of them. Furthermore, I will offer new evidence in favor of the existence of negative events.


Probus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Acedo-Matellán ◽  
Jaume Mateu

Abstract In this paper we are interested in the relation between two facts accompanying the diachronic change from Latin to Romance within the domain of the morphological and argument-structural properties of the predicates expressing change. On the one hand, the element encoding the transition itself, which we call the Path, and the verb are realised as two distinct morphemes in Latin, but as one and the same morpheme in the daughter languages: in Talmy's (2000) terms, the former is a satellite-framed language and the latter are verb-framed languages. On the other hand, there is a whole range of argument-structural patterns which are found in Latin but not in Romance: unselected object contructions, complex directed motion constructions, productive locative alternation, etc. We show, within a syntactic view of argument structure and morphology, that both facts are intimately related. Furthermore, we provide data from Old Catalan showing an intermediate stage between the Latin satellite-framed system and the Romance verb-framed system.


1994 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 439-444
Author(s):  
Alan Piper

No single manuscript containing both the major collections of John of Salisbury’s letters is known to survive, but it seems possible to establish that such a manuscript once existed from the evidence of a fourteenth-century tabula found in Durham Cathedral Library MS A.IV.8 fols 53-9. There is no indication of when or how this tabula came to Durham; the composite manuscript of which it forms part was not assembled in its present form until after 1500, when the last section was still separate. The tabula contains some four hundred quotations arranged under 235 subject headings running in alphabetical order from Absencia to Penitencia; the remainder is missing. Almost every entry consists of a quotation, a number in arabic numerals, a name or personal title in the dative case or with ad and the accusative, and a brief indication of position; so for example under the heading Exulare the one entry runs bis exulat qui domi exulat 387 archidiacono exon prope finem. The quotations are from letters in John of Salisbury’s collections or from the other Becket correspondence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Cárdenas del Rey

O obxecto principal deste traballo é presentar un conxunto de feitos estilizados sobre opatrón de investimento que amosou a economía española nas derradeiras décadas. Arealización deste tipo de análise é relevante como punto de partida para posterioresestudos sobre o investimento en España, especialmente pola importancia central que teno investimento no crecemento económico. Utilízanse os datos da base BBVA-IVIE pero cunenfoque metodolóxico distinto, máis achegado ás categorías do BEA estadounidense.Grazas a isto, neste traballo apórtase nova evidencia sobre os trazos característicos dopatrón de capitalización, dos que os máis interesantes son: i) Existiu unha “aceleración” nocrecemento entre os dous ciclos expansivos; ii) A nivel de composición técnica, oinvestimento en equipamentos é o que amosou un maior dinamismo; iii) a nivel deaxentes investidores, o investimento corporativo tivo unha gran constancia no seucrecemento, véndose complementado polo “relevo” dos outros axentes, é dicir, oinvestimento das AA.PP: creceu máis no primeiro ciclo expansivo (1981-1993) e oinvestimento dos fogares no segundo (1994-2007), e iv) a nivel sectorial o investimentoconcentrouse en sectores con maior dinamismo en creación de emprego, sendoparadigmático o caso do sector da construción. The main aim of this report is to introduce a set of stylized facts about the investment patterndisplayed by the Spanish economy in the past decades. This type of analysis is relevant as astarting point for further studies on investment in Spain, especially given the importance ofinvestment in economic growth. Information from the BBVA-IVIE database has been used witha different methodological approach, closer to the categories of the American BEA. As a result,new evidence is exposed along with the characteristics of the capitalization pattern, of whichthe most interesting ones are the following: (i) There was an "acceleration" in growth betweenboth expansive cycles. (ii) As far as technical composition is concerned, investment inequipment is the one that has been more dynamic. (iii) From the agent investment point of view,business capitalization has been hugely consistent with growth, being complemented by the"relay" of the other two agents, i.e., the government investment in the first expansionary cycle(1981-1993) and household investment in the second (1994-2007). (iv) At a sectoral level,investment has been concentrated in industries with greater dynamism in terms of job creationand, in this sense, the building industry is paradigmatic.


1967 ◽  
Vol 57 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 61-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. C. Mann ◽  
M. G. Jarrett

Mr. Graham's article on the division of Britain in the early third century usefully collects much of the relevant evidence. He concludes that Herodian is wrong in claiming that Britain was divided in A.D. 197, and suggests that no division took place until the reign of Caracalla. But he fails to take into account the possibility that a division was indeed made in 197, on different lines from those which applied later.The one piece of new evidence produced to help in refuting Herodian is an Ephesian inscription which mentions embassies to the emperors Severus and Caracalla in Upper Germany and Britain. The grounds are that, in the wording of the inscription, Germany is qualified as τὴν ἄνω, while Britain is not qualified. But Germania without qualification would be too vague to be allowed to stand; it could even lead to confusion with free Germany. Britannia, on the other hand, is clearly merely a geographical description.


1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. V. Levontin

An oft-repeated proposition asserts that fraud “vitiates the most solemn proceedings of courts of justice. Lord Coke says it avoids all judicial acts, ecclesiastical or temporal”. Fraus omnia corrumpit. That great master of the common law, Willes J., said in 1863: “…a judgment or decree obtained by fraud upon a court binds not such court, nor any other; and its nullity upon this ground, though it has not been set aside or reversed, may be alleged in a collateral proceeding.”Nevertheless, such declarations cannot be accepted without reservation. Let us illustrate. A man sues for detention of his goods. The defendant asserts that plaintiff's case is a concocted deception; that the documents are forged and that the plaintiff himself and his witnesses are deliberately perjuring themselves. The defendant maintains, in fact, that the goods in question are, at the very time of trial, being concealed by the plaintiff. The court goes fully into the testimony, rejects the allegations of perjury and fraud, and awards the plaintiff damages. The absolute truth will perhaps never be known. What we do know is that the unsuccessful defendant is henceforth estopped by res judicata. He cannot resist the effect of the judgment, still less can he set it aside, unless he can avail himself of fresh evidence, discovered since the trial; and unless, moreover, he can satisfactorily account for not having known this evidence and made use of it at the trial. This has been clear law since at least early in the 17th century when it was expressly laid down by Bacon L. C. Indeed, the need for new evidence furnishes a major distinction between impeachment (or “review”, as it is also called) of a judgment, on the one hand, and an appeal proper, on the other. This distinction is further reflected in the rule that appeals must be lodged within a prescribed period of time—not so impeachments or reviews.


Author(s):  
J. T. Cunningham

Before the Parliamentary Committee, which conducted an inquiry in 1893, the trawling industry of Lowestoft, as represented by Mr. J. W. Hame, strongly opposed any restrictions being enforced as to the size of fish landed. One of the reasons given was that restriction was unnecessary, because small fish, especially plaice, were not landed at that port. Mr. Hame told the Committee that the day before he gave his evidence, namely, on May 10th, he turned out two boxes of plaice caught towards the Dutch coast, perhaps from 30 to 40 miles off that coast. He said that one box contained 110 fish, the smallest 12 in. long, and the other contained 90 fish, the smallest 13 in. long. These statements are quite at variance with my observations made at Lowestoft, during September and October this year, and I cannot help thinking that Mr. Hame was mistaken as to the grounds from which the fish came, or else was not sufficiently accurate in his numbers and measurements. The facts show that, on the one hand, a size-limit of 8 in. for plaice, as proposed by the Parliamentary Committee, would make no appreciable difference to the deep-sea trawling industry at Lowestoft, and, on the other hand, that higher limits, such as that which was proposed by Mr. Holt for the protection of the German grounds, would affect that port very seriously.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Bárbara Marqueta Gracia

<p>RESUMEN. En el presente artículo se pretende argumentar la necesidad de establecer una distinción entre diferentes instancias de Marcado Diferencial de Objeto (MDO) en los verbos psicológicos de sujeto experimentante en español. En algunos casos, la aparición de <em>a </em>es obligatoria independientemente de la estructura argumental del verbo implicado, y está vinculada a la presencia en la configuración de rasgos deícticos de persona. Dichos rasgos son inducidos tanto por la presencia de clíticos de dativo como de objetos que mantienen relaciones locativas y/o partitivas.</p><p>En otros casos, la distribución del MDO es opcional y sensible a la estructura argumental del verbo, alternando con la rección directa -sin preposición-. Esta distribución supone la proyección de un rasgo conceptual de causa, identificado en la posición de objeto/causa de la experiencia psicológica por parte de la preposición <em>a</em>.</p><p>ABSTRACT.  In this paper, we present empirical evidence showing that a different kind of Differential Object Marking (DOM) in Spanish “Psych” experiencer verbs can be distinguished. On the one hand, we found obligatory contexts of marking (regardless of the argument structure of the verb and the animacy/specifity of the object). These are connected with the presence of deictic person features, triggered by dative clitics or objects which bear a locative/partitive relationship.   </p><p>On the other hand, we can found optional marking, determined by the experiencer-subject/causer-object´s structure, which will be related to a default semantic value of causer in the object projection identified by the preposition. </p>


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