Natural Resources Claims, Land Conflicts and Self-Empowerment of Indigenous Movements in the Cono Sur – The Case of the Mapuche People in Chile

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Tomaselli

Environmental protection and the struggle over natural resources have long been of major concern for indigenous peoples all over Latin America. Notwithstanding the increasing incisiveness of international indigenous rights standards, indigenous peoples have still very limited access to natural resources, or to benefits deriving from them. Nonetheless, the recent ratification by Chile of the ILO Convention No. 169 is having a remarkable, positive impact. In 2009, the Court of Appeal of Temuco and the Supreme Court of Chile blocked a logging exploitation in indigenous territories (Machi Francisca Lincolao v. Forest Enterprise Palermo, sent. 1773-2008 dated 16 September 2009, confirmed by the Supreme Chilean Court on 30 November 2009, sent. 7287-2009) applying the ILO Convention No. 169. Other similar cases followed. These and other actions put forward by indigenous peoples’ movements in Chile, especially Mapuche, seem to be a direct consequence of an increasing awareness of indigenous peoples’ rights and the possibility to raise their voice and be heard within the civil society and at the international level. All the frustration against a legal system which is not responding to indigenous peoples’ demands is now flowing into new movements. This article, therefore, seeks to analyze the impact on indigenous peoples’ movements and the rise of new conflicts linked to the claims over natural resources and land rights in current Chile. The aim is thus to illustrate the interrelation between the Chilean inadequate legal framework, and the claims, conflicts and the self-empowerment of indigenous movements also in the Cono Sur.

2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 379-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willem van Genugten ◽  
Camilo Perez-Bustillo

AbstractThe article gives an overview of the current status of human rights and poverty in the context of the contemporary struggles of indigenous peoples. It aims to describe the framework of indigenous rights as constituted by, and constitutive of, the relationship between legal processes at the international, regional and national levels. The article also makes links to broader issues such as the racial, ethnic, linguistic and cultural human rights instruments, as well as to the important linkage to international poverty law. It outlines the current status of international legal protection for indigenous peoples before giving different cases in which these legal mechanisms have been used and questioned at the regional and national levels. The article concludes by arguing that indigenous rights standards play an important role in terms of serving as 'ceilings' or 'floors' between which indigenous movements and supporting NGOs can mobilize and find a legal framework to form their case.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-154
Author(s):  
Emilio C. Viano

Summary“Sharing” the Wealth? Minerals, oil, timber, medicines and now genetic wealth, all play a major role in development and all are the source of conflict, dispute and violations of indigenous peoples’ centuries-old rights. The driving force behind the relentless conflict between indigenous peoples and the waves of outsiders making forceful contact with them is the search for resources. Driven by an increasing realization that the Earth's riches are limited and at the same time by the fierce competition that globalization and economic policies have unleashed, and using increasingly sophisticated technology, both for discovery and exploitation, states and multinationals have been motivated and able to go, literally, where no outsider has gone before.The natural resources located in some of the Earth's most remote or inhospitable locations became especially available for exploitation when a number of new states sprung up in the post-World War II, postcolonial period. Elites and dominant groups, empowered to maintain security and promote trade, spurred by multinationals’ offers that they could not refuse and by international financial institutions loans and grants ”developed” natural resources, often igniting conflicts with indigenous nations. Frequently, these clashes led to the growth of the military, to arm races to ensure the monopoly on “development”, to authoritarian and corrupt regimes, and to the opposite of what was expected, increased poverty and inequality.The conflict is over the very issue of who owns the resources — a question that has been central to the rise of nationalism and the assertion of “ethnic” identity throughout the world. First Nation peoples realize that without their resource base, they have no future. They also believe that modem states, some of them relatively young, cannot legitimately claim resources that nation peoples have utilized and maintained for centuries. The manner in which this is done is also the subject of fierce disputes (e.g. damage or destruction of ancestral lands, food and water sources, way of life, income).States have traditionally received considerable help from other states and international organizations in appropriating the resources of indigenous peoples. Ironically, the improving economic conditions worldwide and the growing wealth of many in emerging economies have made this hunt and exploitation of natural resources even more urgent and seemingly legitimize it, given the increasing demand for consumer goods and technological items.Worldwide, multinational development industries help states to seize resources and put them up for sale on the world market — especially through “obvious” projects such as mining, oil exploration, and hydroelectric development.One issue is never, or at best rarely, addressed: Who owns the resources to begin with? Whose agreement is needed before proceeding? What is an equitable formula for sharing the earnings and mitigate displacement and environmental pollution and destruction? Laws introduced in the past few decades by ruling groups often deny first nations’ claims to their resources. Such laws, many indigenous groups argue, do not take precedence over their prior claims to resources. At stake are not only the issue of ownerships, but also the value of resources and who has the right to manage, extract and consume them. It is also a question of survival and identity.This work of critical criminology reviews the historical record of “exploration” and exploitation of resources showing that it is not a new phenomenon but rather a chronic situation that indigenous peoples have endured throughout the centuries. It examines the role that the state, the multinationals and the international financial institutions play in this clash over resources when indigenous peoples’ rights are often ignored, stepped upon and disregarded. It critically examines current efforts, treaties and policies meant to recognize and respect Native peoples’ rights. It shows that current measures are not truly addressing the key issues and that a concerted effort must be undertaken to change the equation and dynamics of power, dominion and use of the earth's riches.Development must be redefined, crafted and targeted in the right way taking into account and respecting all legitimate claims to the earth's wealth, especially those of the “First Nations” that have suffered throughout the centuries the impact of colonialism, racism, and wholesale theft of their riches on the part of the “developed” world.


Author(s):  
Iván Tarcicio Narváez Quiñónez

La colonización dirigida, espontánea y estratégica, además de la permanente ampliación de la frontera agrícola para la extracción de recursos naturales, han determinado el uso y zonificación del espacio amazónico en los últimos 50 años. Las drásticas huellas socio-económicos, culturales y ambientales generadas por estos procesos han impactado negativamente la vida de los pueblos ancestrales y la naturaleza. Una consecuencia drástica es el cambio de la comprensión de la territorialidad en el interior de los territorios indígenas, y de la percepción que de aquel cambio tienen el Estado y los actores asentados en el entorno territorial comunitario. El presente estudio aborda el caso del pueblo waorani e inquiere cómo la ampliación de la frontera extractiva intensificaría los impactos negativos del proceso de desterritorialización en el Parque Nacional Yasuní, poniendo en mayor riesgo la integridad física y cultural de los de los pueblos que viven en aislamiento voluntario: Tagaeri y Oñamenane u otros de los cuales no se tiene referencia.   Abstract Targeted, spontaneous and strategic colonization, in addition to the permanent expansion of the agricultural frontier for the extraction of natural resources, has determined the use and zoning of the Amazonian space in the las 50 years. The drastic socioeconomic, cultural and environmental impacts generated by these processes have impated negatively the life of the ancestral peoples and nature. A drastic consequence is the change of the understanding of the territoriality in the interior of the indigenous territories, and the perception that the state and the actors settled in the community territorial environment have of that change. This study addresses the case of the Waorani people and inquires how the expansion of the extractive frontier would intensify the negative impacts of the process of decentralization in the Yasuní National Park, putting at greater risk the physical and cultural integrity of the peoples living in voluntary isolation: Tagaeri and Onamenane or others of which there is no reference.


Author(s):  
Alex Latta

States’ increasing recognition of Indigenous rights in the realm of natural resources has led to a variety of co-management arrangements and other forms of melded authority, evolving over time into increasingly complex governance relationships. This article takes up such relationships within the analytical frame of multilevel governance, seeking lessons from the experiences of Indigenous involvement in water policy in Canada’s Northwest Territories (NWT). It examines the way that effective collaboration in resource governance can emerge within the space of tension between evolving Indigenous rights regimes and the continued sovereignty of the state. At the same time, the analysis raises questions about whether multilevel governance can contribute to meaningful decolonization of relationships between settler states and Indigenous Peoples.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 389-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorothée Cambou

Abstract A ban on seal product for animal welfare concerns had been adopted by the EU Parliament in 2009. This article examines whether the ban can be contested on the grounds of its effect on indigenous rights. It will first be determined whether the directive encroaches on the rights of indigenous peoples, as proclaimed by the UN Declaration. Despite the clause that exempts the purchasing of seal products, of which the Inuit are benefactors of; it is still believed that the Declaration has been breached, and thus constitutes a violation of their cultural and economic rights. The second section examines how the Inuit have challenged the Directive Regulation on Seal product. Overall, through the examination of this case, the goal of this article is to highlight the legal challenges facing Europe vis-à-vis the development of indigenous peoples’ rights.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 46-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Tockman ◽  
John Cameron

Abstract The government of Bolivia led by President Evo Morales and the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party claims to be constructing a new postliberal or plurinational state. However, this alleged experiment in plurinationalism conflicts with two central elements of government and MAS party strategy: the expansion of the economic development model based on the extraction of non-renewable natural resources, and the MAS's efforts to control political space, including indigenous territories. This article analyzes these contradictions by examining how Bolivia's constitution and legal framework appear to support indigenous autonomy while simultaneously constraining it. Specifically, it explores how political and bureaucratic processes have seriously limited opportunities to exercise indigenous rights to autonomy. The article makes a comparative analysis of the implications of Bolivia's experience for indigenous autonomy and plurinationalism for other resource extraction–dependent states.


Author(s):  
Taqiyah D. Insani ◽  
Abdul W. Al-Faizin ◽  
Muhammad N. H. Ryandono

This study investigates the contribution of Islamic banks and Islamic windows to thegrowth of the Nigerian economy. Data were obtained using structured questionnaires.379 copies of questionnaires were administered based on the sample size obtainedvia the use of Taro Yamane formula. 367 questionnaires were successfully retrieved.Variables such as deposit activities, loan activities, and perception of bank employeeswere also adopted as explanatory or independent variable and dependent variablerespectively. To support the study hypothesis were also formulated. For the analysis,measures of central tendency (tables, frequency and percentages) and inferentialstatistics (Logit Regression) were used. The result revealed that the variables (i.e.deposit and loan activities) have a positive impact on the growth of Nigeria’s economybecause the probability values of the variables (P=0.003 and 0.019) were less thanalpha (α =0.05) level of significance. In other words, this implies that Islamic banksand windows have largely supported private consumption, business investments of itscustomers, aid government spending via sharia bonds (sukuk) to fund developmentalprojects of its customers. The study concludes that Islamic banks and windows havecontributed towards the growth of the Nigeria’s economy. Furthermore, the studyrecommends that there is need for creating the necessary legal framework to ensureits smooth operations, intensify efforts on creating public awareness, rolling out moresharia compliant products that can take care of the peculiarities that exist in businessenvironment and training and retraining of staff on effective Islamic banking.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Linda Bustillos ◽  
Vladimir Aguilar ◽  
Carlos Grimaldo

La Constitución de 1999 de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela (CRBV) reconoce los derechos indígenas, entre los cuales se encuentra el territorial. De acuerdo con lo que señala el artículo 119 de dicha Carta Magna, el derecho al territorio de estas poblaciones se ejerce a través de la política pública de la demarcación,  entendida como el proceso en el que se deslinda su espacio territorial, proceso realizado por el Estado con participación de los pueblos y comunidades por demarcar, para posteriormente titular la propiedad colectiva de estos grupos.A 15 años de aprobada la Constitución, este proceso de deslinde ha sido lento y equívoco. La demora ha ocasionado que, en la actualidad, estos grupos humanos se encuentren acechados por intereses externos (minería ilegal, proyectos de desarrollo, fuerzas irregulares, entre otros), los cuales amenazan su existencia como culturas diferenciadas ya que el derecho al territorio es un Derecho Humano fundamental para su supervivencia. El presente artículo, es resultado de una investigación de campo. En una primera parte, se analiza la Ley Orgánica de Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas (LOPCI) (2005) en Venezuela, con el propósito de esclarecer en cuál etapa es que se paraliza el proceso de deslinde territorial.Posteriormente, se detalla, como consecuencia de lo anterior, cuántas comunidades y pueblos indígenas se han demarcado y titulado desde el 2005 hasta el 2014. Finalmente, abordamos en las conclusiones, algunos elementos que podrían echar andar nuevamente este proceso de deslinde territorial en Venezuela y alertamos, de su importancia para la supervivencia de estos grupos humanos. Indigenous territorial rights as a human right; an analysis of the (auto) demarcation of indigenous territories process in Venezuela (1999-2014)AbstractThe 1999 Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (CBRV) recognizes Indigenous Rights; among them, the territorial claims. In agreement with what is stated in the article 119 of the Magna Carta, the right to the territory of these populations is exercised through the public policy of demarcation, which is understood as the process in which its territorial space is disclaimed, made by the State in participation with the peoples and communities to be demarcated, subsequently to entitle the collective ownership for these human beings groups.Fifteen years after the Constitution was approved, this process of delineation has been slow and misleading. This delay has caused that in the present, these human beings groups are being stalked by outside interests (illegal mining, development projects, irregular forces, among others) who threaten their existence as distinct cultures; since the right to territory is a fundamental human right for their survival.This article is the result of a field research. In the first part, the study analyzes the Organic Law of Indigenous Peoples and Communities (LOPCI) (2005) in Venezuela, with the purpose of clarifying at what stage the territorial demarcation process is paralyzed; and as a result, it describes how many communities and indigenous peoples have been demarcated and entitled from 2005 to 2014. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Patrick Shepherd

Developments in Canada’s constitutional and legal framework since 1982 set the stage for the current Liberal government’s nation to nation policy which recognizes Indigenous rights and seeks to build a relationship of respect and partnership through reconciliation with Indigenous peoples. These developments have important implications for those engaged in policy and program evaluations who are now called upon - not only by their own professional ethics but by the legal principles flowing from section 35 - to reimagine their approach and work as partners with Indigenous nations based on the recognition of Indigenous rights, reconciliation and the Crown’s duty to act honourably in all of its dealings with Indigenous peoples. There are no off the shelf answers for how this can be done. Evaluations professionals will need to be guided by these key legal principles and the progressive view set out in the Liberal government’s Principles Respecting the Government of Canada’s Nation to Nation Relationship with Indigenous Peoples.  


Author(s):  
Christina Allard ◽  
Deborah Curran

AbstractMine developments in Indigenous territories risk disrupting Indigenous cultures and their economies, including spiraling already high levels of conflict. This is the situation in Canada, Sweden, and Norway, as elsewhere, and is fostered by current state legal framework that reflect historical trajectories, although circumstances are gradually changing. Promising institutional changes have taken place in British Columbia (BC), Canada, with respect to new legislative reforms. Notably, new legislation from 2019 intends to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in the province, by promoting consent-based and collaborative decision-making mechanisms. New environmental assessment legislation is another example; this legislation includes early engagement, collaborative decision-making, and Indigenous-led assessments. The article’s aim is, first, to analyze how Indigenous communities can influence and engage in the mining permitting system of BC, and, secondly, to highlight the positive features of the BC system using a comparative lens to identify opportunities for Sweden and Norway regarding mining permitting and Indigenous rights. Applying a legal-scientific and comparative analysis, the article analyzes traditional legal sources. The article concludes that the strong points that the BC regime could offer the two Nordic countries are: the concept of reconciliation, incorporation of UNDRIP, the spectrum of consultation and engagement approaches, and the structure of environmental assessments. All three jurisdictions, however, struggle with balancing mine developments and securing Indigenous authority and influence over land uses in their traditional territories.


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