The Unromantic Rousseauian: Scanlon on Justice, Value Coherence and Freedom

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Waheed Hussain

Scanlon differs from many liberals – Isaiah Berlin, for example – in that he rejects deep value pluralism. He thinks that the requirements of social justice actually cohere with the requirements of other political values. But like many other liberals, Scanlon does not think that value coherence has any implications for the kind of freedom that we should care about in assessing social and political institutions. In this paper, I take issue with Scanlon’s view of the relation between value coherence and freedom. Following Rousseau, I argue that value coherence does in fact contribute to our freedom, and that we should structure our basic institutions so as to increase value coherence and thereby enhance our freedom overall.

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 818-840
Author(s):  
George Crowder

AbstractHow far can monotheism be reconciled with the pluralism characteristic of modern societies? In this article, I focus on the “value pluralism” of Isaiah Berlin, which I suggest captures a deeper level of plurality than Rawls's more familiar version of pluralism. However, some critics have objected that Berlinian pluralism is too controversial an idea in which to ground liberalism because it is profoundly at odds with the monotheism professed by so many citizens of a modern society. I argue that monotheists can be value pluralists as long as they do not insist that their faith is superior to all others. This pluralist position is exemplified by elements of the interfaith movement, according to which many religions are recognized as having roughly equal value. I also argue that a value-pluralist approach to religious accommodation, if it can be achieved, may be more stable than the uneasy combination of disapproval and restraint involved in the more orthodox solution to conflict among religions, toleration.


Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Gergen

The emergence of this handbook on social justice represents a groundbreaking event in the history of social psychology. In this summary discussion, I outline significant limits to social justice work embedded in the empiricist tradition of inquiry and point to ways in which the current work transcends these limits. However, I also view the present endeavors as in a fledgling state. In the service of enriching and rendering these pursuits more effective, I discuss five domains in which tensions currently prevail and suggest directions for future undertakings. Challenges are discussed in terms of epistemological schisms, presumed ontologies, value pluralism, explanatory paradigms, and the limits of representationalism. A final invitation is made to shift from a mirroring orientation to research to world-making.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Rizaldy Purnomo Pedju

This article discusses the analysis of the universality concept of Islamic Values and Pancasila in yudi latif's discussion contained in his works. The successor to the Pancasila pride, was able to actualize Pancasila with historical and rational support, by not forgetting the religious, social, cultural and political values in the ideology of Pancasila. The concept of yudi latif in the presentation of his thoughts is able to bring precepts in Pancasila using Indonesian specialties, by providing historical space in the narrative that supports and does not eliminate religiosity, diversity, consultative democracy and social justice. The concept of universality in the values of Islam and Pancasila is expected to be able to dismiss the narratives of radicalism, islamophobia which is developed rapidly developed. This latif thought, is able to provide ontological, epistemological, and axiological understanding between Islam and Pancasila as we.ll as the two things that interrelated to one another.                                                             Keywords : Yudi Latif;  Analysis; Universality; Islamic Value; Pancasila Value Artikel ini membahas tentang analisa konsep universalitas Nilai Islam dan Pancasila dalam pemikiran Yudi Latif yang termaktub dalam karya-karyanya. Bapak penerus marwah Pancasila ini, mampu megaktualisasikan Pancasila dengan pendekatan historis dan rasional, dengan tidak melupakan nilai agama, sosial, budaya dan politik dalam pengalian ideologi Pancasila. Konsep yudi latif dalam penyajian pemikirannya mampu membawa sila per sila dalam Pancasila kedalam khasanah khas keindonesiaan, dengan memberikan ruang sejarah dalam narasi pemikirannya serta tidak melupakan unsur religiusitas, sebagaimana dalam pembahasan penulis bahwa nilai islam dan nilai Pancasila terkandung dalam Ketauhidan, Kemanusiaan Universal, Persatuan dalam Keragaman, Demokrasi Permusyawaratan serta Keadilan Sosial. Konsep universalitas nilai islam dan Pancasila diharapkan mampu menepis narasi-narasi radikalisme, islamophobia yang marak berkembang belakangan ini. Pemikiran yudi latif secara aktual, mampu memberikan integrasi pemahaman antara islam dan Pancasila secara ontologis, epistemologis, dan aksiologis merupakan dua hal yang saling terhubung satu sama lainnya. Kata Kunci : Yudi Latif; Analisa; Universalitas; Nilai Islam; Nilai Pancasila


2021 ◽  
pp. 089976402110573
Author(s):  
Zhiming Liu ◽  
Haiwei Jia

In this article, we extend Wilson and Musick’s concept of cultural capital, which was defined as the culture of benevolence, to a multilevel concept and build a multilevel cultural capital theory about individual (nonmandatory) volunteering based on religious beliefs, political values, belief in social justice, and belief in social trust in the context of volunteering in China. Data from the 2012 Chinese General Social Survey, China’s national and comprehensive large-scale social survey project, are used to empirically investigate the influences of individual-level cultural capital (values of benevolence) and contextual-level cultural capital (cultural climate of benevolence) on individual volunteering. In terms of individual-level cultural capital, membership in the Chinese Communist Party (China’s ruling party), belief in social justice, and belief in social trust have significant positive relationships with individual volunteering. In terms of contextual-level cultural capital, the religious climate and justice climate in a province have significant positive effects on individual volunteering.


Author(s):  
Е. М. Мчедлова ◽  

The article considers, in particular, such political values as social justice and human rights, their place in the Russian socio-cultural space. The article presents the sociological data of the monitoring study conducted by the Center for the Sociology of Religion and Socio-Cultural Processes of the ISPI of the Russian Academy of Sciences in recent years in Moscow and some regions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-320
Author(s):  
Beata Polanowska-Sygulska

Abstract This article seeks to interpret the striking divergence between the two judgments passed by the European Court of Human Rights in the Lautsi v Italy case in terms of value pluralism. The latter is a hotly debated position in ethics, brought to life in the second half of the twentieth century by Isaiah Berlin. Pluralism elucidates these in interesting ways. First, value pluralism sheds light on three major aspects of the trial before the European Court of Human Rights: the nature of the collision of values, the discrepancy between the two decisions, and the rationale of the final judgment. Secondly, this is my thesis that while the first judgment fits ethical monism, which underlies Dworkin’s ‘one right answer’ theory, the second ruling chimes with pluralism. The pluralist spirit of the Grand Chamber’s final decision turned Europe away from the path of Americanization.


This edited volume compares the political systems of the United States and Canada, focusing on the effects of political institutions, and their interaction with political values and other factors, in policymaking. It explores the differences between the American presidential (or separation-of-powers) system and the Canadian parliamentary system. It also considers institutional differences such as federalism, bureaucratic leadership, and judicial definitions of citizens’ rights. It deals mainly with the period from the mid-20th century to the present but also discusses recent developments—especially the Trump presidency. The first section addresses political culture and institutions and considers political values, party and electoral systems, executive leadership and the legislative process, bureaucracy and civil service influence, and federalism. The second section addresses policymaking and outcomes, including economic policy, environmental policy, morality issues, social policy, managing diversity, and selected societal outcomes. The conclusion discusses prospects and challenges for both political systems and finds that policy differences between the two countries have diverse causes—from geography and demography, to political values, to institutional structures. The effects of institutions are often crucial, but they depend heavily on interactions with other political circumstances. Even modest, incremental change in the electoral strength or ideological tendencies of the political parties can transform institutional performance. Thus, Canada’s historic center-left moderation may be on the brink of giving way to wider ideological fluctuation and the U.S. political system was increasingly dysfunctional, even before the election of Donald Trump as president led to chaos in policymaking and the threat of severe constitutional crisis.


Author(s):  
Ralph Henham

This chapter considers the importance of reflecting social values in the practice of sentencing. It explores this issue in the context of the sentencing policy of England and Wales during the past twenty-five years, focusing on the extent to which social change and value pluralism has damaged the essential connections between penal ideology and sentencing policy. More specifically, it emphasises how the fragmentation of communities and the ensuing breakdown in social cohesion has affected public perceptions of punishment. It also considers how the increasing politicization of penal policy has obfuscated the values justifying state intervention. Thus, the chapter concludes that neo-liberal values have taken priority at the expense of any broader consideration of which social values should inform a more inclusive and socially constructive approach to sentencing. The argument is illustrated by describing how these tensions have impacted the sentencing of so-called ‘irregular’ migrants.


Author(s):  
Sebastian Mallaby ◽  
James D. Wolfensohn

James David Wolfensohn is a surprising figure. A wildly successful investment banker, he nonetheless found time to take up the cello in middle life; he would cross the Atlantic on Concorde, buying two seats so that his cello could fly with him. A corporate insider, he nonetheless identified with the world’s least fortunate; he took an interest in international family planning, the environment, and AIDS, even as he was merging and restructuring the world’s leading companies. Appointed to lead a World Bank known chiefly for prescribing macro-economic austerity, Wolfensohn distanced the institution from both macro-economics and prescriptions. He spoke the language of poverty-fighting groups such as Oxfam, and demanded social justice; and after his first press conference, the World Bank’s chief spin doctor, who was concerned that the Bank not be seen as ‘soft’, remarked that Wolfensohn had not been ‘on message’. ‘He’s the President,’ another official said. ‘I think you’ll find that is the message.’ Since that exchange in 1995, Wolfensohn has reshaped the Bank, a formidable, sprawling institution with nearly ten thousand employees and projects in about one hundred countries. The emphasis on macro-economic structural adjustment, which had dominated the Bank’s programmes since the start of the 1980s, was phased out; questions of governance— the transparency of political institutions, the level of corruption, the quality of judicial or media or civil society oversight—came to preoccupy the Bank almost as much as price signals and sound budgeting. Before Wolfensohn’s arrival, the Bank’s apolitical charter was thought to put these governance issues at least partially off limits. But in a speech in 1966, Wolfensohn denounced ‘the cancer of corruption’, and a taboo that had lasted since the Bank’s creation in 1944 was abruptly shattered. Wolfensohn’s focus on poverty and social justice come through strongly in his contribution to this volume. Before his arrival at the Bank, the institution was often vilified for technocratic elitism: its officials’ idea of ‘field work’ was a meeting with a finance minister in a five-star hotel, according to the critics. But in this lecture we find Wolfensohn recounting the life of a poor mother in a Brazilian slum, and explaining that the worst feature of poverty is ‘voicelessness’.


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