scholarly journals ‘Independent’ Kurdish Media in Syria

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yazan Badran ◽  
Enrico De Angelis
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Television Station ◽  
Radio Stations ◽  
News Agency ◽  
Local Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
New Generation ◽  
First Time

The Syrian uprising in 2011 was accompanied by the birth of a new generation of media outlets seeking to offer alternative narratives to those of the regime. After the Kurds gained a certain level of autonomy from the Syrian regime and opposition forces, areas historically inhabited by Kurds (Rojava) have also seen the emergence of local media: for example, the television station Ronahi, magazines and newspapers such as Welat, Buyer and Shar, radio stations such as Arta FM and Welat and the ARA News agency. Indeed, for the first time in their history, Syrian Kurds have the opportunity to have an independent voice in the media landscape. In this paper we map the field of emerging Kurdish media in Syria and analyze some of the main features of these outlets, while situating them in the larger context of emerging Syrian media. Moreover, the paper explores their relationship in the current political context of the Syrian uprising and, especially, of Rojava. In doing so, we analyze the political identity that these media tend to project and address how they position themselves toward the issue of the Kurdish identity in general and in Syria in particular.

Advertising nationalism: Commemorating the liberation war in Bangladeshi print advertisements

2020 ◽  
pp. 175063522095036
Author(s):  
Kajalie Shehreen Islam
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Print Advertisements ◽  
The Media ◽  
National Significance ◽  
Discursive Constructions ◽  
Oriented Approach ◽  
Underlying Theme

This article explores the role of the media as a discursive tool in the commemoration of Bangladesh’s war of liberation. The author critically engages with the notion of mediated memory in the foreground of corporate nationalism. Through a discourse analysis of print advertisements published in Bangladeshi newspapers on the country’s Independence and Victory Days over five decades, she traces the use of nationalism in advertising discourse and the shift from a development-oriented approach to corporate nationalism, with the underlying theme of glorification of war. The study found that nationalistic-based discourse is a key theme of Bangladeshi advertisements published on its days of national significance – history and its heroes, symbols and images, poetry and song, are all used to invoke a banal nationalism. These discursive constructions depend largely on the political context but, as long as the political line is adhered to, advertisers are free to use nationalistic discourse to promote their brands, products and services.

Supportive, transformative and reverse effects of media on Tunisian diaspora’s political identity

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mostafa Shehata
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Media Use ◽  
Country Of Origin ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Significant Research ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Channels ◽  
Effects Of Media

The Tunisian diaspora in Europe has gained significant research interest due to the fundamental changes recently triggered by the Tunisian Revolution with which the diaspora strongly interacted. This article investigates the potential effects of media use on the political identity of Tunisian diasporic communities in Europe, from a sociopolitical communication perspective. Based on 45 interviews conducted with Tunisians living in Denmark, Sweden and France, a special focus has been set on the patterns of media use in relation to components of political identity (homeland orientation, religion and ideology), considering the combined influences of both country of origin and country of residence. The analysis shows that media exerted supportive effects on the diaspora’s homeland orientations – a process that likely depended on participants’ previous connection with Tunisia. The media also exerted short-term transformative effects on the political ideology and a reverse effect on religious orientations – a process that mainly depended on life in both country of origin and country of residence. This article proposes that this Tunisian diaspora is more likely to construct a hybrid identity, supported by media channels that facilitate the adoption of sociopolitical principles derived from both country of origin and country of residence.

scholarly journals From liberal to predatory mass media in post-communist Lithuania

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 159-179
Author(s):  
Irmina Matonytė
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Local Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Basic Functions ◽  
Zero Sum

Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institutionalization of ideological conflicts) and politicians (representation), the paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy if the free mass media gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. The paper conceptualizes a tremendous decrease (by one third) in public trust in mass media in Lithuania, observed from 1998 to 2009 and interprets this change as a cumulative result of the post-communist illstructured political field under pressing liberalization and democratization coupled with specific patterns of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere. In the conditions of a still relatively high public trust in mass-media and scarce foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda. The Lithuanian massmedia and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate. INTUNE project survey (2009) shows that the media elite’s influence in the national decision making process is significantly higher in Lithuania than, for instance, in Germany or Hungary.Key words: populism, communicative democracy, mass-media ownership, public sphere, public trust.

scholarly journals Regional Radio: A Response by the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation to Democratization and Competition

2001 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla W. Heath
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radio Stations ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Fm Radio ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
First Time

Abstract: In 1992, constitutional governance was re-established in Ghana, and private broadcasting made legal for the first time. This paper explores one of the responses of the state-owned Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) to this novel situation, the opening of regional FM radio stations. Primary data for the paper was obtained from visits to six of the stations and interviews with station directors and other staff in July 1998. The political economic context in which the stations were established, their structures, and programming are examined. Evidence from this study indicates that with the new stations the GBC is expanding and enhancing its public service mandate. At the same time, institutional structures and scarce financial resources combine to prevent the Corporation from becoming independent of vested interests: government, commerce, or NGOs. Résumé: En 1992, on rétablit un gouvernement constitutionnel au Ghana et on légalisa la radiodiffusion privée pour la première fois dans ce pays. Cet article explore une des réponses à cette nouvelle situation de la part du radiodiffuseur d'état, le Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) : l'ouverture de stations de radio FM régionales. Les données de cet article furent recueillies lors de visites de six de ces stations en juillet 1998 et d'entrevues avec les directeurs des stations et d'autres membres du personnel. L'article examine le contexte politico-économique de la création, la structure et la programmation de ces stations. Les données recueillies pour cette étude indiquent que, grâce aux nouvelles stations, le GBC est en train de prendre de l'extension et de mieux remplir son mandat de service public. En même temps, cependant, les structures institutionnelles et les ressources financières peu abondantes de la Corporation empêchent celle-ci de gagner son indépendance par rapport à certains organismes intéressés : le gouvernement, les entreprises et les associations à but non lucratif.

Richard Smith, Richelieu and the French Marriage. The Political Context of Smith's Appointment as Bishop for England in 1624.

1964 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 148-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. F. Allison
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secular Clergy ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

During the year 1623, as a result of the diplomatic negotiations between England and Spain for the marriage of Prince Charles to the Infanta Maria, Catholics in England enjoyed, for the first time for many years, comparative freedom from the operation of the penal laws. In this period of relative tranquility, Pope Gregory XV, yielding to insistent demands by the leaders of the English secular clergy, decided to restore to the Church in England a measure of local episcopal rule. In doing so he broke away from the policy of his immediate predecessors. After the suppression of the English Catholic hierarchy by Queen Elizabeth at the beginning of her reign, successive popes had taken the English Catholics under their immediate protection and had rejected various appeals for the restoration of local bishops. But the restoration did not, in the event, produce the results for which the papacy hoped. William Bishop who was appointed bishop in 1623, died after rather less than a year in office. His successor, Richard Smith, appointed by Urban VIII in 1624, became involved in disputes with the Jesuit and Benedictine clergy on the mission and, after six years of strife, withdrew to France in 1631 and resigned his charge. Rome then reverted to her earlier policy. Though Smith later sought papal permission to return to England, it was refused. After his death at Paris in 1655, the English secular clergy petitioned Rome for another bishop, but without success. The Church in England was to remain without a bishop for another thirty years.

MEDIA FRAMING AND OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA IN ARMENIA DURING THE 45-DAY ARTSAKH WAR

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-83
Author(s):  
LOUISA KHACHATRYAN
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Media Framing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Capstone Project ◽  
Local Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Abstract: This study analyzes the role of the media during the 45-day war in Artsakh in 2020. It aims to understand how the local media responded and reacted to official propaganda, particularly to the statements of the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The research question of the capstone project is “What was the media framing of the official statements of the Armenian Prime Minister throughout the war?” To answer this question, the study first provides a short timeline of the war and the PM’s statements. Secondly, it conducts a descriptive content analysis of the three local media outlets, which are selected through purposive sampling. The analysis shows that the government-imposed censorship as well as the political economy of the media significantly affected the way the PM’s statements were being framed. The study tries to understand to what extent there was a “rally round the flag” effect and what caused certain behavior from different media outlets. Keywords: Artsakh war, media framing, propaganda, Nikol Pashinyan, rally round the flag

Irom Sharmila’s Struggle against Military Repression: A Critique

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181
Author(s):  
Nandita Haksar
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

This article argues that although Irom Sharmila’s 16-year-old fast from November 2000 to August 2016 has earned her the status of an icon of non-violent protest, yet she did not seek these appellations; her only aim was to put moral pressure on the government to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The article seeks to assess the efficacy of Irom Sharmila’s protest and how far it has helped or hindered in mobilizing public opinion against the Act. It propounds that the publicity around Irom Sharmila put her on a pedestal and trapped her in her own image, made invisible entire histories of sufferings of people in the northeast, including Manipur, and their struggles against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The gains of many struggles and efforts were wiped out of the collective memory of the nation and the only image of Manipur was this frail woman with a tube hanging from her nose. The article also argues that there is a kind of fetish in the way the media celebrates non-violence without reference to the political context.

scholarly journals Political Identity as a Security Factor of Ukrainian Statehood

2020 ◽  
pp. 297-316
Author(s):  
Mykola Prymush
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Level ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Media

In the article, the authors analyze the formation of the political identity of citizens of Ukraine as a security factor of Ukrainian statehood. It is noted that, in addition to political identity, there are many other identities, that are presented in the form of a matrix, the components of which continuously interact with, complement and influence each other. In terms of methodology, the process of forming political identity is considered from the standpoint of symbolic interactionism, where the emphasis is placed on political interaction. In addition, in order to objectively assess the effectiveness of the formation of political identity and potential negative consequences in the form of a crisis of statehood, the mechanism for transforming a situational identity into a basic political identity is considered from the standpoint of post-structuralism. The study identifies and formulates criteria for constructing this basic type of political identity, the prerequisites for their formation and correlation with the actual political situation in Ukraine. The multitude of approaches to the study of the formation of political identity is complemented by the consideration of various models of its construction. Fragmental, elite and organic models are considered. Particular attention is paid to the leading role of the state in the process of forming political identity, where the key participants are political elites, the media and civil society. To determine how the perception of the degree of influence of each participant affects the process of political identity formation by the population of Ukraine at different periods of time, with its intermittent outbursts of social activity, the method of factor analysis is used. On the basis of the results of the analysis of the constructed triangular diagrams, two patterns are extracted. According to one, an increase in positive perception and integration into the process of socialization of models of the political identity formation proposed by the political elite is observed in society after each surge in mass protests that leads to a regime change. The other pattern is manifested in the revealed tendentiousness of the influence of the media and political elites on the security level of Ukrainian statehood and the growth of tension in society.

scholarly journals Localizing the Politics of Privacy in Communication and Media Research

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johanna E. Möller ◽  
Leyla Dogruel
Keyword(s):  
Economic Condition ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Analytical Tool ◽  
The Political ◽  
Boundary Management ◽  
Previous Communication ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Research ◽  
Do So

While previous communication and media research has largely focused on either studying privacy as personal boundary management or made efforts to investigate the structural (legal or economic) condition of privacy, we observe an emergent body of research on the political underpinnings of privacy linking both aspects. A pronounced understanding of the politics of privacy is however lacking. In this contribution, we set out to push this forward by mapping four communication and media perspectives on the political implications of privacy. In order to do so, we recur on Barry’s (2002) distinction of the political and the politics and outline linkages between individual and structural dimensions of privacy. Finally, we argue that the media practice perspective is well suited to offer an analytical tool for the study of the multiple aspects of privacy in a political context.

scholarly journals Much More Than Economy: Assessing Electoral Accountability in the CEE Member States

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Andrea Fumarola
Keyword(s):  
Traditional Approach ◽  
Economic Voting ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Accountability ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Media System ◽  
The Media ◽  
European Election ◽  
Free Media

Abstract Electoral accountability is considered the mechanism through which voters hold governments responsible for their performance. Questioning the traditional approach of economic voting theory, the article focuses on the influence exerted by the political context—comprehensively considered as government clarity of responsibility, availability of governing alternatives, electoral formula, and freedom of the media—on the accountability mechanism in eleven countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Using individual and aggregate data collected after the 2014 European Elections by the European Election Study (EES), the present article analyses this process in its double dimension of answerability and enforcement (Schedler 1999). Our findings suggest that voters’ ability to express discontent with economic performance in new European democracies is strongly influenced by specific characteristics of the political context. A stable and cohesive government as well as a free media system, in particular, seem to facilitate performance voting in the region.

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