scholarly journals From liberal to predatory mass media in post-communist Lithuania

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 159-179
Author(s):  
Irmina Matonytė
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Local Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Basic Functions ◽  
Zero Sum

Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institutionalization of ideological conflicts) and politicians (representation), the paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy if the free mass media gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. The paper conceptualizes a tremendous decrease (by one third) in public trust in mass media in Lithuania, observed from 1998 to 2009 and interprets this change as a cumulative result of the post-communist illstructured political field under pressing liberalization and democratization coupled with specific patterns of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere. In the conditions of a still relatively high public trust in mass-media and scarce foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda. The Lithuanian massmedia and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate. INTUNE project survey (2009) shows that the media elite’s influence in the national decision making process is significantly higher in Lithuania than, for instance, in Germany or Hungary.Key words: populism, communicative democracy, mass-media ownership, public sphere, public trust.

scholarly journals The political life of the occupied territory of the Luhansk region in the print media

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
К. М. Котеленець ◽  
І. І. Боровенська
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Print Media ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Neutral Context ◽  
Occupied Territory ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Media ◽  
Number Of Publications ◽  
Economic Nature

The article deals with the public life of the occupied territory of the Lugansk region in printed mass media. This methodology of research, painted methods and methodology of the research of printed mass media, a sample is drawn up. The article presents some results of the content analysis of newspapers that were printed during the year in three settlements of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, namely Lugansk, Stakhanov (Kadyivka) and Antratsyt. The papers of selected newspapers reflecting social processes in the occupied territory of the Luhansk region have been analyzed. It is the media that makes it possible to conclude that newspapers have an information content direction that the information they provide most often has a household or an economic nature, and that focus is on situational events. It is proved that a lot of publications are paid to the political life of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic. However, it has been found that the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities is almost the same. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context. As for publications on international political events, there are very few such publications, which suggests preserving political thought within the two countries and directly by the LNR. After analyzing publications in the print media of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, the authors concluded that the political life of the occupied territory is most frequently covered. An interesting fact was the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities. They do not have much discrepancy. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context.

scholarly journals The Big Brother Naija TV Reality Show as Coordinate of Media Functions and Dysfunctions

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Bolu John Folayan ◽  
Olubunmi Ajibade ◽  
Olubunmi Dipo Adedoyin ◽  
Toyin Segun Onayinka ◽  
Toluwani Titilola Folayan
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Big Brother ◽  
Reality Show ◽  
South West ◽  
The Media ◽  
Basic Functions ◽  
The Mass Media

The mass media play at least five basic functions which include news dissemination, surveillance of the environment, correlation of the components of the society, entertainment and transmission of social heritage.  Sometimes, disruptions and impairments do occur in the performance of these roles and some of these basic functions become dysfunctions, which turn the media into purveyor of negative values. The present study investigates how popular the Nigerian TV reality show, Big Brother Naija (BBN), is perceived by its viewers. Three hundred heavy viewers of the programme were surveyed from Lagos and Ede, South-West Nigeria, and their opinions and attitudes were sought regarding; why they like or dislike the programme; the gratifications that those who like the programme derive and whether the BBN, as media content, is generally functional or dysfunctional to the society. Sixty-six per cent 66 (33.7%) of respondents like the programme because it entertains. Half of the respondents, 99(50.5%) dislike ‘immoral aspects’ of the programme. The viewers affirm that the eviction part of the programme was their highest form of gratification.  Most respondents, despite public outcry against the programme, consider the programme to be “functional”. Findings reinforce the postulation that TV viewers are not passive consumers of media contents.

scholarly journals MEDIA AND PUBLIC TRUST TOWARDS COVID-19 INFORMATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-176
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yunus Patawari
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
New Media ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Online Questionnaire ◽  
The People ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
Media Channels ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Attitudes And Behavior

Mass media is one of the leading sectors in handling COVID-19. Amidst current health emergency, public trusttowards the information conveyed by the mass media is the key to successful mitigation. Various types of newsregarding massive COVID-19 reports in several media channels have the potential to cause information bias whichends in pros and cons. Insubstantial debates in varied media are counter-productive to the efforts of various partiesin educating the society to avoid misinformation. Based on this, it is important to know the media that are referencesand that gain public trust in seeking information. This study examines the level of public trust in information aboutCOVID-19 in the mass media, both old and new media, using an online questionnaire methodology on May 3, 2020,which was given to 60 respondents. The results show that the respondents’ level of faith in television is higher, but itsconsumption by viewers is much lower than that of online media (news sites and social media). The results showedthat viewers still deemed television a reliable reference for information. From these data it was found out why themedia are rarely used by the people but are able to gain high trust in the eyes of the public. The results of this studyare expected to provide an overview of the attitudes and behavior of the community in understanding COVID-19information so that relevant parties can make appropriate policies in the perspectives of media and communication.

scholarly journals The peculiarities of functionality of evaluative lexis in the English-language political discourse (on the text of US mass media)

Litera ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Petrovich Evlasev ◽  
Larisa Alekseevna Sychugova
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
English Language ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The Us ◽  
Ideological Influence

This article is dedicated to examination of the questions of functionality of evaluative lexis in political discourse of the United States. The relevance of the topic is substantiated by the heightened interests of research towards the peculiarities of expressing evaluative meanings in various types of discourse. In modern linguistics, the analysis of functionality of evaluative lexis in the political discourse is of unequivocal interest, since axiological interpretation significantly affects the life of modern society. Research methodology is comprised of the work of such Russian linguists as I. S. Alekseeva, A. A. Ufimtseva, T. A. Znamenskaya, N. D. Arutyunova, and others. Special attention is given to the method of realization of negative evaluations. The goal of this  article consists in the methods of expression of evaluative meanings s using stylistic means, as the language is an effective weapon in the world of politics. The political texts of US mass media served as the material for this research due to the fact that mass media influence the formation of public opinion, the course of political discussions and referendums, rating of political and public figures, political parties, and public organizations. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the US political discourse includes different lexical and stylistic means applied for exertion of ideological influence, as well as formation of certain attitudes on certain realities of political life among the recipients.

Why don’t citizens give governments credit when they deliver on electoral pledges?

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-519
Author(s):  
Pascal D. König ◽  
Markus B. Siewert
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political System ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The Media ◽  
Credit Claiming

Why don’t citizens give governments credit when they deliver on electoral pledges? This article develops an original analytical framework that addresses this important but under-researched question. It focuses on the concept of ‘credit claiming’, which is the opposite of ‘blame shifting’, and draws together existing research to identify a number of significant hurdles that governments must overcome in order to gain recognition for achievements. It highlights the challenges which policymakers face in communicating with citizens in an increasingly mediatised public sphere, and the extent to which their credit claiming efforts rely on the media as a ‘transmission belt’. It concludes that in liberal democracies governments are fighting an uphill battle to gain citizens’ support and secure trust in broader democratic institutions and the political system as a whole.

scholarly journals I Don't Want to Be a Citizen (if it Means I Have to Watch the ABC)

2002 ◽  
Vol 103 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan McKee
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Engagement ◽  
Social Organisation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contemporary Culture ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere

This paper argues that much writing about media and citizenship tends to rely on a set of realist or structuralist assumptions about what constitutes a state, a citizen and politics. Because of these assumptions, other forms of social organisation that could reasonably be described as nations, and other forms of social engagement that could be called citizenship are excluded from consideration. One effect of this blindness is that certain identities, and the cultural formations associated with them, continue to be overvalued as more real and important than others. Areas of culture that are traditionally while, masculine, middle-class and heterosexual remain central in debates, while the political processes of citizens of, for example, a Queer nation, continue to be either ignored or devalued as being somehow trivial, unimportant or less real. The paper demonstrates that this need not be the case — that the language of nation and citizenship can reasonably be expanded to include these other forms of social organisation, and that when such a conceptual move is made, we can find ways of describing contemporary culture that attempt to understand the public-sphere functions of the media without falling back into traditional prejudices against feminised, Queer, working class or non-white forms of culture.

scholarly journals ‘Independent’ Kurdish Media in Syria

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yazan Badran ◽  
Enrico De Angelis
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Television Station ◽  
Radio Stations ◽  
News Agency ◽  
Local Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
New Generation ◽  
First Time

The Syrian uprising in 2011 was accompanied by the birth of a new generation of media outlets seeking to offer alternative narratives to those of the regime. After the Kurds gained a certain level of autonomy from the Syrian regime and opposition forces, areas historically inhabited by Kurds (Rojava) have also seen the emergence of local media: for example, the television station Ronahi, magazines and newspapers such as Welat, Buyer and Shar, radio stations such as Arta FM and Welat and the ARA News agency. Indeed, for the first time in their history, Syrian Kurds have the opportunity to have an independent voice in the media landscape. In this paper we map the field of emerging Kurdish media in Syria and analyze some of the main features of these outlets, while situating them in the larger context of emerging Syrian media. Moreover, the paper explores their relationship in the current political context of the Syrian uprising and, especially, of Rojava. In doing so, we analyze the political identity that these media tend to project and address how they position themselves toward the issue of the Kurdish identity in general and in Syria in particular.

Political Agenda Setting and the Mass Media

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Individual

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.

scholarly journals PUBLIC - POLITICAL LIFE OF THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC

2021 ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
A. Arzymatova
Keyword(s):  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Kyrgyz Republic ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Difficult Condition ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Economic

1991year entered world history as the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of new independent states on its wreckage. In August 31, 1991, Kyrgyzstan adopted the Declaration on State independence. The transition to democratization began in difficult condition. The political, economic, social crisis set the stage for new reforms in the country. Changes in the political system of society were enshrined in the adopted first Constitution of 1993. The principle of separation of powers was enshrined: legislative, executive and judicial bodies were defined as independent branches of government. The political life of society depends on the type of political regime, public opinion, the influence of ideology and religion, as well as the decency of the media. Constitutional, political and economic reforms in Kyrgyzstan upset the balance government. The instability of democratic institutions and the establishment of authoritarian rule led to the March events of 2005. 

Los medios de comunicación y la lucha contra la corrupción

2016 ◽  
pp. 163-198
Author(s):  
Francesc-Andreu MARTÍNEZ GALLEGO
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

LABURPENA: Lan hau komunikabideen eta ustelkeria politikoaren arteko harremanei buruzkoa da. Lanaren estrategia komunikabideek gobernatzaileen eta gobernatuen arteko harremanak hedatzeko bitarteko aktiboak bezala duten jarrera agertzea da, hau da, komunikabideek ustelkeriari buruz emandako informazioa izan ez dadin prentsaren jatorrietatik datorren ataza soila, hots, askatasun publikoen eta gobernu onaren watchdog or atari-txakur lana. Gauzak horrela, komunikabideak aktore politikoak dira, interes partikularrak dituzte eta egitateekiko elkarrekintza dute, eta egitate horiei garrantzia ematen diete (edo ez), interesen arabera. Ustelkeria politikoko eskandaluak kazetaritzako argitan, komunikabideen enpresen interesen arabera eta sistema politikoaren eta komunikabide sistemaren arteko harremanak kontuan izanda aztertu behar dira. Horrela soilik ahal izango diogu lana honen funtsari ekin, alegia: zer egin dezakete komunikabideek demokraziaren kalitatea handitzeko, hau da, ustelkeria politikoa bertatik erauzi edo, gutxienez, mugatzeko? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo es un estudio crítico sobre la relación existente entre medios de comunicación y corrupción política. La estrategia del mismo consiste en desvelar la posición de los medios de comunicación como mediatizadores activos de la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados, de manera que la información sobre corrupción producida por los medios no se vea como el mero cumplimiento de una tarea asignada desde sus orígenes ilustrados a la prensa, a saber, su labor de watchdog o perro guardián de las libertades públicas y del buen gobierno. Vistas así las cosas, los medios se configuran como actores políticos con intereses particulares que interaccionan con los hechos y a los que confieren (o no) la entidad de noticiables en grados diversos. Los escándalos de corrupción política deben estudiarse a la luz de las narrativas periodísticas, a la luz de los condicionamientos empresariales de los medios y a la luz de la configuración de las relaciones entre el sistema político y el sistema mediático. Sólo así podremos encarar la cuestión de fondo que se plantea al final de este trabajo y que pregunta qué pueden hacer los medios de comunicación para acrecentar la calidad de la democracia extirpando o al menos limitando en ella la corrupción política. ABSTRACT: This work is a critical analysis about the relationship between mass media and political corruption. Its strategy is to unveil the mass media position as an activ mediator in the relationship between governers and governeds so that information about corruption by the media cannot be seen as the simple fullfilment of an assigned task to the press since its Enlightment origins, i.e. their job of watchdog or guard dog for public liberties and good governance. As things stand, mass media are configured as political actors with particular interests that interact with facts to which the give (or not) a gradual entity of political newsworthiness. The scandals of political corruption should be studied in the light of journalistic narratives, corporate constraints of the mass media and the setting of relationships among the political and the media system. Only this way we will be able to face the underlying issue that arises at the end of this work and that questions what mass media can do in order to improve the quality of democracy by removing or at least constraining within the political corruption.

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