The Bulghar Region as a “Land of Ignorance”: Anti-Colonial Discourse in Khvārazmian Connectivity

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-204
Author(s):  
Alfrid K. Bustanov

Hagiographic sources from nineteenth-century Inner Russia and Khvārazm indicate the existence of a cluster of Muslims opposed to the state-supported Islamic institutions of the Russian Empire. Many Muslim scholars of the period did not accord the Volga-Ural region the status of an ‘abode of Islam,’ as they considered it to be a ‘land of ignorance.’ This paper examines the significance attached by Muslims of Inner Russia to the pious rhetoric of resettlement from a ‘land of ignorance’ to the ‘abode of Islam’. I argue that the opposition to the already well-established imperial structures in the Volga-Urals resulted in the formation of a powerful migrant community near Urgench, Khvārazm, that used the Naqshbandiya-Mojaddediya Sufi networks as a stable bridge to home.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 969-981
Author(s):  
Aydar Yu. Habutdinov ◽  
Marina M. Imasheva

In the article, based on a wide range of documents, an attempt is made to analyze the interaction of the leaders of the Russian Muslim social movement on the main political issues of two key regions: the Volga-Ural and the Caucasus, at the beginning of the 20th century. We are talking about the cooperation of the leaders of the Muslim movement in considering the issues of the models of statehood and autonomy and land. The interaction of Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus in the framework of the activities of the Ittifak al-Muslimin party, the Muslim faction of the imperial State Duma of four convocations, during the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War is considered.The source base of the study is bills, legislative sources, programs of parties and factions, clerical materials, verbatim records of meetings of the State Duma of all four convocations and Muslim congresses. Methodologically, the article is based on systematization, classification and analysis of these documents. To compare the facts and events related to the activities of the leaders of the Muslim movement of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century and to determine their role in the history of interaction between the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus, the comparative-historical method adopted in domestic science was applied. The conclusions are made that, firstly, the economic and intellectual elite of the Tatar and Azerbaijani peoples stood at the head of the social movement of Muslims of the Russian Empire. Secondly, the main issues facing the Muslim politicians of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century were questions about the form of government and the autonomy of Muslims and land. Thirdly, the political cooperation between the leaders of the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus at the beginning of the twentieth century led to the creation of the All-Russian Muslim party "Ittifak al-Muslimin", the Muslim faction of the State Duma, and the convocation of All-Russian Muslim congresses.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 526-535
Author(s):  
Maria Kulikova

Studies of interconnections between social, technological, economic and cultural forces belong to the trend of modernisation studies in the Russian Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. Modernisation implies the establishment and growth of institutions and infrastructures that are examined as a set of communication practices between different actors – the state, experts and various offices. This research is an historical study of interconnections between technologies and society. It is focused on the significance of materiality (namely natural oil resources) in these processes.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Kozub

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of diplomatic ceremonial in the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century. Special attention is paid to such elements of the protocol as the meeting of foreign representatives, the presentation of gifts, the meal, the location of officials during the reception, and some other features. The authors analyze the notes and reports of Russian diplomats who visited the receptions of the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and the Grand Vizier. Thanks to these sources, it was possible to learn the details of the ceremony and note the fact that Russian diplomats tried to describe what was happening at the receptions in such a way as to emphasize a special attitude towards themselves. In confirmation of this, the authors provide excerpts from preserved sources. In addition, the article draws attention to the fact that many elements of the protocol depended on the status of foreign representatives. In the Ottoman Empire, hierarchy played a significant role. The envoy could not be treated with the same dishware as the ambassador, and the ambassador, in turn, could not be treated with the same dishware as the Grand Vizier. The conclusion drawn in this article is that some elements of the diplomatic ceremonial could change depending on the representatives of which state came to the audience in the Ottoman Empire. Russian ambassadors and envoys were treated more hospitably than representatives of other states because of the Russian Empire's victories in the two Russo-Turkish wars. At receptions with Russian diplomats, there were changes in the protocol by decree of the Ottoman Sultan, in order to demonstrate respect not only for Russian officials, but also for the state as a whole.


Author(s):  
S. Salomatina ◽  
◽  
I. Garskova ◽  
T. Valetov

The article examines the financial system of the Russian Empire as a set of cash flows between the largest centers based on the commercial transfers statistics of commercial transfers of the State Bank in 1898 and network and geoinformation analysis. As a result, the study proves that the national financial system was typically dominated by the highest national level markets (St. Petersburg and Moscow), whereas the interregional markets of the lower level were stronger in the west and southwest (Odessa, Kiev, Warsaw) compared to Riga, Kharkov, Nizhny Novgorod, Rostov-on-Don, and Baku


Islamology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Mustafa Tuna

When Russian forces occupied the Volga-Ural region in the sixteenth century, they nearly eliminated the local Muslim nobility. In the absence of a politically active nobility, Islamic scholars kept the region’s Muslim inhabitants connected as a larger community. This population of agricultural peasants and seasonal nomads rarely ventured beyond the vicinity of their villages or market towns, but scholars traveled extensively to pursue knowledge. As they traveled, they forged lasting connections with other students and scholars. When they graduated and dispersed through the region as village imams, they maintained these connections through kinship ties, letters, Sufi associations, and theological debates. Some of them also engaged in a broader network of Islamic scholars that extended primarily from Transoxiana to the Ottoman territories. As such, they served as the glue that held Volga-Ural Muslims together in a shared world, a regional Muslim domain, and they integrated this regional community of believers further into a transregional Muslim domain.


Slavic Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-559
Author(s):  
Samuel C. Ramer

Studies of political reform in the Russian Empire during the first decade of Alexander I's rule have focused largely on the emperor and his most prominent advisers: the unofficial committee of four close friends who counseled him in secret during the first two years of his reign; powerful court factions, particularly those nobles who sought to augment the status and political power of the Senate; and, finally, high state officials such as Michael Speransky. The nature of reformist thought emanating from sources less directly involved in the actual preparation of legislation has been unduly neglected. There were, for instance, a number of minor writers who sought to influence state policy by submitting their ideas to Alexander. A study of the kind of society they hoped to create and the ways in which they thought social change achievable can enhance our appreciation of the variety of reformist thought in Russia at the beginning of the nineteenth century.


Islamology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
Nathan Spannaus

In the history of Islamic thought in the Russian Empire, Shihabaddin Mardjani’s (1818-1889) call for ijtihad is well-known, but often misunderstood as a form of radical modernization. In fact, Mardjani’s understanding of ijtihad, as evident in his important Arabic works, does not differ significantly from the conception of ijtihad that predominated in the post-classical period of Islamic history (13th-19th cent.). This article addresses in detail Mardjani’s stance on ijtihad and its religious and legal premises, from the perspective of its broader context in the middle of the 19th century, specifically the changes to the structure of Islamic institutions in the Volga-Ural region and the weakening of the religious authority of the ulama. I argue that although Mardjani’s stance was shaped by this context, it is nevertheless based on maintaining the legal methodology of the Hanafi school (madhhab) and scholars’ role as religious interpreters.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (15) ◽  
pp. 1434-1438
Author(s):  
Alexander Petukhov ◽  
Tatyana Kozhina

The article analyzes the approaches to the consideration of the imperial policy of Russia at the turn of the 19-20th centuries in the teaching of historical and legal disciplines in Russian universities. The authors state the discrepancy between the results of modern research on the Russian empire and the idea of the Russian empire as an ethnically homogeneous state that remains in the practice of teaching. Adjusting such an outdated view requires greater attention to the issues of heterogeneity of the Russian empire, its place among other empires at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the nature and typology of the Russian imperial borderlands and their relationship with the imperial center. Using the example of the Volga-Ural region, the authors consider the processes that took place at that imperial borderland of Russia at the turn of the 19-20th centuries, and its place in imperial politics. The Volga-Ural is characterized as the first imperial borderland of the Russian Empire, where a model of Russian imperial politics was formed. The central place in Russian imperial politics was played by the Christianization of the local population, which could be either violent or voluntary. The results of the imperial confessional policy were contradictory. The success of Christianization led to the beginning of the 20th century to the formation in the region of new identities among residents, who perceived themselves as Orthodox, but distinguished themselves from the ethnically Russian population. On the other hand, the opposition to Christianization by local Muslims contributed to the identity of the Volga-Ural Tatars, which was based on adherence to Islam. The article offers a number of specific recommendations for updating the teaching of historical and legal disciplines by introducing into their content issues of imperial control at the borderlands of Russia at the turn of the 19-20th centuries. Keywords: Borderlands of the Russian Empire, teaching of historical and legal disciplines.


Author(s):  
N. M. Kushlakova

The state of the engineering community in the state and in the industrial regions of Ukraine in the second half of the nineteenth century was characterized, the socio-historical factors that influenced the preparation of the domestic engineering corps were analyzed, the dynamics of the formation of the system of higher professional education was researched, as well as the contingent of higher technical students Educational establishments in the studied period.


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