The Emerging Eurasian Common Energy Market: What is Its Potential Impact on China’s Belt and Road Initiative?

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 401-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhenis Kembayev†

Abstract This article examines the coordinated energy policy of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the regulatory framework of the emerging Eurasian Common Energy Market as applied to its three major components: the Common Electric Power Market, the Common Gas Market and the Common Market of Petroleum and Petroleum Products. It aims to explore the issue of the potential impact of the EAEU energy policy and its associated regulatory framework on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The article argues that the operation of the Eurasian Common Energy Market will have a positive impact on the BRI project by harmonization and/or unification of energy-related regulations across a significant part of the New Silk Road as well as by the liberalization of the energy markets of EAEU Member States, bringing greater competition and abolishing barriers to trade between EAEU Member States in energy and related equipment, technology and services.

Author(s):  
D. Potapov

The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Biliang Hu

This article summarizes the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which was carried out 5 years ago. To date the basic institutional framework has been set up, some key infrastructural projects launched; joint development zones established and supporting systems have been set up to ensure the smooth infrastructure development of BRI. This article also explains the important factors why China proposed and implemented the initiative: accelerating world economic growth particularly for the developing countries, promoting economic globalization, improving global governance, and supporting UN Agenda 2030 for sustainable development. Based on the 5 years’ experience of the Belt and Road implementation, the initiative reflects correctly the mega trend of world development and global cooperation, as well as the common interests of China and other relevant participating countries. A promising future for the initiative is most likely; however, careful feasibility study for investments is required to manage debt risk well for both the investors and the receivers of the investments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (24) ◽  
pp. 7055 ◽  
Author(s):  
Degong Ma ◽  
Chun Lei ◽  
Farid Ullah ◽  
Raza Ullah ◽  
Qadar Bakhsh Baloch

For the last few years, the execution of the Belt and Road Initiative (hereinafter referred to as the BRI) and China’s outward foreign direct investment (hereinafter referred to as OFDI) in Europe have seen a significant upward trend. For our current paper, we collected empirical data pertaining to China’s OFDI and foreign trade (gathered from 21 European countries in the trade gravity market for the period 2003 to 2016) that yielded the following results: (a) China’s OFDI to Europe has significantly promoted international trade between China and European countries. On the other hand, OFDI has equally promoted China’s exports to European counties, while it has not encouraged China’s imports from European counties. (b) The Belt and Road Initiative has had a positive impact on China’s exports to European counties and has had a negative impact on China’s imports from European counties. (c) There have been both complementary trade impacts and substitution trade impacts when China has directly invested in European countries, but the complementary impact was much stronger than its substitution impact in the chosen sample period.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-37
Author(s):  
Professor Biliang Hu

Globalisation contributed to the economic, social, political and cultural development of the deve- loped and developing countries. At the same time, it had an adverse effect, which is in-creasing disparity of income between various social groups and countries. The continuation of such process will lead to the weakening of globalisation, so there is a need to transform globalisation. According to the Author, the initiative of China, entitled: New Belt and New Road is an example of such actions and will contribute to giving new impetus to the process of globalisation in the future. <b>Globalization is now facing one of the biggest challenges in the history: British exit from the EU (Brexit), USA’s quit from the Paris Agreement on climate change, USA also quitted from TPP agreement as well as from UNESCO. People start worry about the next moves of globalization. Therefore, we need to discuss the future of globalization seriously. </b> Clearly, globalization brought very positive impact on economic, social, political and cultural developments for all the countries including the developed as well as developing economies. However, globalization also brought some negative effects, such as the income disparity among different groups of people and different countries. It has been continually enlarging, not narrowing down in the process of globalization. How to deal with the continual globalization? Of course there are different ways. We have been seeing the rising of the nationalism, the protectionism in some of the countries, we have been seeing withdraws of some countries from the global governance institutions. At the same time, we find that China has been making great efforts not only pushing forward the continual globalization but also trying to transfer the old style globalization to the new style globalization which is what I called the transformation of globalization in the new era through the Belt and Road Initiative.


Author(s):  
Fabienne Bossuyt ◽  
Irina Bolgova

As China further embarks on implementing its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and remains firmly set on pursuing the ambitious goal of connecting China overland with Europe, the European Union (EU) and Russia - as indispensable stakeholders for this continental connection to successfully materialize – have been developing policy responses to China's initiative that reveal an unexpected willingness to cooperate. In scrutinizing the likelihood of cooperation on connectivity between the EU, China, and Russia in Central Asia, this chapter identifies the common interests between the three sides, and highlights to what extent cooperation between them is possible in Central Asia. In doing so, the chapter points to the main opportunities while outlining the main bottlenecks, which mostly stem from the underlying geopolitical rivalry between these three actors, as well as their diverging beliefs and approaches to connectivity and development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 355-374
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Seliverstov ◽  
Vsevolod D. Krivonosov

Abstract As one of the world’s leading oil- and gas-exporting countries, Russia has many of the prerequisites for playing a significant role in achieving some of the energy policy objectives of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In fact a number of multi-billion Chinese investments in the Russian energy sector have been made during the past few years. Taking the existing experience of Chinese energy investors into account, this article critically analyzes the legal and regulatory framework governing the production of natural resources and the making of energy investments in Russia. The Russian authorities consider energy as a sector of high strategic importance, necessitating increased attention by its legislator and supervising bodies. The article argues that the restrictions imposed on investors by Russia’s rigid legislation predetermine the participation of state-controlled companies and ensure that all major foreign investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector are assessed primarily for their political significance.


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