scholarly journals A Harvard Physician’s Reports on an 1857 Visit to the Saamaka

2019 ◽  
Vol 93 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 259-278
Author(s):  
Richard Price ◽  
Christopher D.E. Willoughby
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Research Note ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Main Interest ◽  
Peabody Museum ◽  
Secondary Interest

Abstract In 1857, Harvard professor and anatomist Jeffries Wyman traveled to Suriname to collect specimens for his museum at Harvard (later the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, founded in 1866 and curated by Wyman). Though his main interest concerned amphibians, he had a secondary interest in ethnology and, apparently, a desire to demonstrate current theories of racial “degeneration” among the African-descended population, particularly the “Bush Negroes.” This research note presents a letter he wrote his sister from Suriname, excerpts from his field diary, and sketches he made while visiting the Saamaka and Saa Kiiki Ndyuka. Wyman’s brief account of his visit suggests that Saamakas’ attitudes toward outside visitors (whether scientists, missionaries, or government officials) remained remarkable stable, from the time of the 1762 peace treaty until the Suriname civil war of the 1980s.

14. Détente in Decline, 1977–9

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
The Soviet Union

This chapter examines the decline of détente during the period 1977–1979. Détente suffered in part from being identified with Richard Nixon. After 1973, conservatives increasingly questioned détente, felt that the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I) benefited the Soviet Union most, and were disturbed by an apparent pattern of communist adventurism abroad, in the 1973 Middle East War, Angola, and South-East Asia. The chapter first considers détente and policy-making during the time of Jimmy Carter before discussing the conflict in the Middle East, in particular the Lebanon Civil War, and the Camp David summit of 1978 that resulted in an Egyptian–Israel peace treaty. It then analyses the Ogaden conflict of 1977–1978), the ‘normalization’ of Sino-American relations, and the Sino–Vietnamese War. It concludes with an assessment of the SALT II treaty.

Research Note: New Access to a Civil War Resource

2003 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas P. (Thomas Power) Lowry
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Research Note

Pinioning the Peacekeepers: Sovereignty, Host-State Resistance against Peacekeeping Missions, and Violence against Civilians

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allard Duursma
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The State ◽  
African Union ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Host State ◽  
Civilian Protection ◽  
Armed Violence ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions ◽  
State Resistance

Abstract Why and how do host-states resist contemporary peacekeeping missions? This article puts forward the argument that host-state resistance against peacekeepers is a strategy to balance challenges to the internal and external faces of a civil war state's sovereignty. Government officials might see an intense counter-insurgency campaign as an effective way to regain the monopoly on violence and thus strengthen the internal sovereignty of the state, but this will often lead to criticism from the international community and thus also lead to an erosion of the external sovereignty of the state. Conversely, the acceptance of a peacekeeping mission can strengthen a civil war state's external sovereignty as this acceptance signals a willingness to manage armed violence, but the deployment of peacekeepers is at the expense of internal sovereignty as it often limits the ability of government troops to conduct their counter-insurgency efforts. States can resolve this dilemma by accepting a peacekeeping mission to prop up their external sovereignty, but at the same time trying to limit the effectiveness of peacekeepers in those areas where peacekeeping activities potentially interfere with the efforts of government troops to regain the monopoly on the use of violence. The article zooms in on how the Sudanese government accepted the deployment of the United Nations–African Union Peacekeeping Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), but at the same undermined its civilian protection efforts, though other cases are considered as well.

The American Society of International Law 1906–1956

1956 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
George A. Finch
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Jay Treaty ◽  
American Society

The founding fifty years ago of a society to promote the establishment of international relations on the basis of law and justice was a step marking the progress that had been made at the beginning of the century in the age-long efforts to find a means of substituting reason for force in the settlement of international controversies. At that time arbitration was generally regarded as the most suitable and acceptable substitute for war. Great Britain and the United States had both heavily contributed to that conviction first by submitting to arbitration under the Jay Treaty of 1794 the numerous misunderstandings that developed in carrying out the provisions of the Peace Treaty of 1783, and then three-quarters of a century later in submitting to arbitration by the Treaty of Washington of 1871 the dangerous Alabama Claims dispute following the American Civil War.

A FALSE START: BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE IN THE SOUTHERN SUDAN, 1956–62

2011 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
ØYSTEIN H. ROLANDSEN
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Southern Sudan ◽  
Low Intensity ◽  
Economic Stagnation ◽  
Political Tension ◽  
False Start

ABSTRACTHistorians usually trace the start of the first civil war in the Southern Sudan to the Torit mutiny of 1955. However, organized political violence did not reach the level of civil war until 1963. This article argues that 1955–62 was a period of increasing political tension, local low-intensity violence, and social and economic stagnation. It shows how these conditions influenced the attitudes of government officials, informed the policies that they pursued, and made a Southern insurgency likely. This historical analysis helps explain why a full-scale civil war began in late 1963 and why it was not avoided.

scholarly journals Politics and Religion vs. Law and Order in Nigeria: Implications for National and Regional Security.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 4474-4481
Author(s):  
Sunday K.M. Anadi, PhD
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Survey Method ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Religious Conflicts ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
Political Economic

Since independence in 1960, Nigeria has grappled with the ominous challenge of building a sustainable bridge between its ever increasing populations divided not only along distinct multi-ethnic groups but also between two major diametrically opposed faiths [in content, structure, and tactics]- Christianity and Islam. The study was exploratory in nature, which adopted descriptive adequacy in articulating and examining the underlying alternatives factors that propel national politics and religious violence in Nigeria, thus producing a more comprehensive and total picture of the dynamics of the phenomena under investigation- the understanding of religious violence in Nigeria with minimum distortion.  Furthermore, the study adopted a survey method based on the perception of Government officials and Religious leaders regarding religious violence, with a corresponding sample size of 100. The study found that the seeming overwhelming implications of persistent religious violence for Nigeria are three folds; they include; sustained threat to national peace, unity, and security, undermines national political/economic development, as well as socio-cultural and religious harmony and cooperation. In addition, the study found that the present state of religious violence in Nigeria exacerbates bitterness, hatred, and mistrust among the federating units of Nigeria resulting to violent reactions and heightened intra-ethnic and religious clashes, with a volcanic potential to explode into secession by aggrieved groups, internecine civil war, pogroms and/or jihads. Finally, the study recommended that the Nigerian civil society must step up organized and peaceful agitations for fundamental changes in the structure and character of the Nigeria state through a Sovereign National Conference or credible constitution review effort. Also, the Nigerian government and the international community must seize the opportunity of current fragile peace in Nigeria, to implement a number of credible measures aimed at preventing a recurrence of widespread religious conflicts threatening to spill over to a civil war.

The Day of Bulgarian Liberation from Ottoman Rule: Commemorative Practices in the Political Context of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries

2019 ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Mikhail Simov
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Late Nineteenth

rule. Against the present geopolitical situation on the Balkans and in the context of Bulgarian-Russian relations, 3 March — the day when the San Stefano Peace Treaty of 1878 was signed which is also Bulgaria’s national holiday — customarily precipitates political comments and controversial statements of government officials. While Bulgarian-Russian political relations in the last quarter of the nineteenth century were rather complicated, they became the backdrop of the shaping of the tradition of celebrating the Liberation Day; the commemorative activities and interpretation of the day’s significance were closely interwoven with the political trends and the ambitions of the governments in Sofia. The paper examines the process of establishing the tradition of celebrating the Liberation Day in Bulgaria in the context of the dynamics of the Bulgarian-Russian political relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century

scholarly journals The Bolsheviks and the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-112
Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Soviet Republic ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
The Status

For the Russian Soviet Republic and Estonia, the conclusion of the Tartu Peace Treaty resolved a whole range of diplomatic, military and economic problems, which have traditionally attracted attention of historians. However, the treaty did not serve as an act of equitable ending to the Civil War and helped lay the foundations for today's disagreements between Estonians and Russians. Having gone down in history as a monument to Bolsheviks’ party ambitions and early Soviet diplomacy, the treaty not only acquired the status of an important historical artifact. 100 years later, the Tartu Treaty is still an instrument of political manipulation and a matter of controversy for politicians and diplomats.

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