The Making of a Fragmented Nation: sufi ṭuruq and Sudan’s Decolonization

2017 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-153
Author(s):  
Giorgio Musso

This article focuses on the role of sufi ṭuruq during Sudan’s struggle for independence from the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. The decolonization of Sudan unfolded within a fragmentary political landscape characterized by a complex stratification of interests. The role ofṭarīqah-inspired political factions—later evolving into full-fledged parties—contributed to inhibit the birth of a cohesive nationalist movement, giving way to the emergence of a sectarian political system. As prominent members of the traditional establishment of Sudanese society (along with tribal leaders, merchants and other notables), Muslim leaders were afraid of the rising radical nationalist movement, that could have challenged recognized social hierarchies. Their interests converged with those of Great Britain, that since the early 1920s tried to foster the emergence of a moderate nationalist elite under the slogan al-Sūdān li-l-Sūdāniyyīn (“the Sudan for the Sudanese”) to counter Egypt’s influence in the country without subverting the structures of imperial dominance. In this sense, the decolonization of Sudan can be analysed as a “passive revolution”: a gradual regime transition that allowed the dominant classes to take over political power while preserving their fundamental interests.

Significance Rafsanjani, who had lost much overt political power over the past decade, was an important behind-the-scenes power broker in a deeply divided political landscape. He supported President Hassan Rouhani and centrist and reformist political factions. He was also an ardent advocate of economic liberalisation and Iranian rapprochement with the West. Impacts Economic benefits from the nuclear deal will be key to Rouhani’s reconnection with his political base. Rafsanjani's death could trigger a hard-line reaction that could boost tensions with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. If 77-year-old Khamenei were also to pass away, regime instability might increase.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (63) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Amin Moghadam ◽  
Safinaz Jadali

Abstract. In May 2019, remarks by the then Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi implying Iran might ask Afghans to leave the country as U.S. sanctions tightened sparked widespread criticism from various segments of Iranian society. Critics from civil society and political factions accused Araghchi of using Afghans as leverage to extract concessions from Europe, and ignoring revolutionary ideals. Drawing on literature emphasising the role of mobilities in shaping the state, we posit that migration politics and related social dynamics are an integral element in state formation in post-revolutionary Iran, offering insights into the nature of Iran’s political system. We argue that the Islamic Republic’s immigration and asylum politics reflect both the revolutionary legacy and a political system striving for normalization, looking at how Iran’s migration regime was formed, encompassing the institutionalization of migration governance, ad hoc policies, migration diplomacy, conflicting political factions, and bottom-up social pressures.


Politeia ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-106
Author(s):  
Motlamelle A. Kapa

This article presents and analyses the perspectives of a number of politicians and academics in Lesotho concerning the relevance and role of chieftainship as an institution in the political system of the country. The study was conducted in response to attempts in 2005 by the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) government to devolve political power and the on-going debate in academic and policy circles on the value of the institution of chieftainship in democratising systems in Africa. Evidence from the field is presented relating to how chieftainship is perceived by politicians (usually but wrongly regarded as competing with the chiefs for political power) and academics in Lesotho, and also to how chieftainship can co-exist with elected councils to consolidate democracy. Chieftainship was found still to enjoy legitimacy among a large number of politicians and academics, and still to be relevant to the country’s political system, even subsequent to the establishment of the elected councils.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Fahd Pahdepie

Media, especially television channels and newspapers have become another political battleground in Indonesian democracy. Some following scenes would describe how Indonesian media empires link to the political system. Media becomes the battleground for politics and there are two point-of-views that could be taken. First, from the perspective of politicians, media is a medium to legitimate their political authority. Second, from the perspective of media barons, politics is an arena that can benefit their business empires. At this point, the marriage between political power and media ownership will eliminate the independence; consequently, the role of media in the concept of democracy to control the power will be diminished or even disappeared.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-49
Author(s):  
Elisheva Yun

Over a decade after the close of the fifteen-year Lebanese Civil War, the cultural and political landscape of sectarianism has shifted significantly in Lebanon. Circumstances of uncertainty and upheaval in the past couple of years—Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri’s assassination in 2005, the subsequent Cedar Revolution that spurred Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanese territory, a string of assassinations of anti-Syrian politicians, the Israel-Hizbullah War of 2006, anti-government protests and Hizbullah’s seizure of sections of Beirut in May 2008—have both fed into and arose from tensions between religious groups. Recent events suggest the centrality of sectarianism to questions about Lebanon’s stability. The momentous political changes that Lebanon has witnessed have raised questions as to the changing nature of sectarianism as well. In particular, given that sectarianism has fed into significant conflict, is it appropriate or productive to maintain sectarianism as the guiding principle for the political system? How have new avenues of discussion influenced Lebanon’s experience of sectarianism? Blogs, collectively referred to as the blogosphere, have provided an increasingly popular means of expression in Lebanon. Blogging has become more prominent through moments of conflict, namely the Cedar Revolution in 2005 and the Israel-Hizbullah conflict in the summer of 2006. As the Lebanese blogosphere virulently debates the unfolding events and the role of sectarianism in Lebanon, blogs offer an illuminating lens as to whether the Lebanese population deems sectarianism to be an appropriate organizing principle for its government.


Pragmatics ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Riskedahl

This paper evaluates the role of written language in the construction of difference by looking at the emergence of two political advertising campaigns in Lebanon in 2006-2007. I will discuss how ad campaigns mounted by opposing Lebanese political factions were engaged in a battle over representing popular sentiment. Specific choices of typography, juxtaposition of codes, layout and physical placement of ads within the political landscape of urban Beirut all directly contributed to creating unique interdiscursive ideological framings for each party coalition. Due to the inter-sectarian nature of the political coalitions, the use of religious symbols was problematic in the construction of coalition identity. Other differentiating aspects such as class, patterns of consumption, and attitudes towards mourning became elemental in the creation of political distinctions and were indexically configured into this dialogue of signs.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


Author(s):  
Tikhon Sergeyevich Yarovoy

The article is devoted to the research of goals and functions of lobbying activity. The author has processed the ideas of domestic and foreign scientists, proposed his own approaches to the definition of goals and functions of lobbying activities through the prism of public administration. As a result, a generalized vision of the goals and functions of lobbying activities as interrelated elements of the lobbying system was proposed, and a forecast for further evolution of the goals and functions of domestic lobbying was provided. The analysis of lobbying functions allowed us to notice the tendencies in shifting the goals of this activity. If the objectives were fully covered by functions such as mediation between citizens and the state, the information function and the function of organizing plurality of public interests, then the role of strengthening the self-organization of civil society and the function of compromise become increasingly important in the process of formation in the developed countries of civil society and the development of telecommunication technologies. Ukrainian lobbyism will not be left to the side of this process. Already, politicians of the highest level, leaders of financial and industrial groups have to act, adjust their goals (even if they are — declared), taking into account the reaction of the public. In the future, this trend will only increase. The analysis of current research and political events provides all grounds for believing that, while proper regulatory legislation is being formed in Ukraine, the goals and functions of domestic lobbying will essentially shift towards a compromise with the public. It is noted that in spite of the existence of a basic direction of action, lobbying may have several ramified goals. Guided by the goals set, lobbyism can manifest itself in various spheres of the political system of society, combining the closely intertwined interests of various actors in the lobbying process, or even — contrasting them.


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