Immigration and Revolution in Iran: Asylum politics and State Consolidation

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (63) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Amin Moghadam ◽  
Safinaz Jadali
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
Integral Element ◽  
Immigration And Asylum ◽  
Migration Politics

Abstract. In May 2019, remarks by the then Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi implying Iran might ask Afghans to leave the country as U.S. sanctions tightened sparked widespread criticism from various segments of Iranian society. Critics from civil society and political factions accused Araghchi of using Afghans as leverage to extract concessions from Europe, and ignoring revolutionary ideals. Drawing on literature emphasising the role of mobilities in shaping the state, we posit that migration politics and related social dynamics are an integral element in state formation in post-revolutionary Iran, offering insights into the nature of Iran’s political system. We argue that the Islamic Republic’s immigration and asylum politics reflect both the revolutionary legacy and a political system striving for normalization, looking at how Iran’s migration regime was formed, encompassing the institutionalization of migration governance, ad hoc policies, migration diplomacy, conflicting political factions, and bottom-up social pressures.

OBJECTIVES AND FUNCTIONS OF LOBISTRY ACTIVITY IN UKRAINE: REALITIES TODAY AND EVOLUTIONARY FORECAST

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 329-339
Author(s):  
Tikhon Sergeyevich Yarovoy
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Public Interests ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Developed Countries ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Industrial Groups

The article is devoted to the research of goals and functions of lobbying activity. The author has processed the ideas of domestic and foreign scientists, proposed his own approaches to the definition of goals and functions of lobbying activities through the prism of public administration. As a result, a generalized vision of the goals and functions of lobbying activities as interrelated elements of the lobbying system was proposed, and a forecast for further evolution of the goals and functions of domestic lobbying was provided. The analysis of lobbying functions allowed us to notice the tendencies in shifting the goals of this activity. If the objectives were fully covered by functions such as mediation between citizens and the state, the information function and the function of organizing plurality of public interests, then the role of strengthening the self-organization of civil society and the function of compromise become increasingly important in the process of formation in the developed countries of civil society and the development of telecommunication technologies. Ukrainian lobbyism will not be left to the side of this process. Already, politicians of the highest level, leaders of financial and industrial groups have to act, adjust their goals (even if they are — declared), taking into account the reaction of the public. In the future, this trend will only increase. The analysis of current research and political events provides all grounds for believing that, while proper regulatory legislation is being formed in Ukraine, the goals and functions of domestic lobbying will essentially shift towards a compromise with the public. It is noted that in spite of the existence of a basic direction of action, lobbying may have several ramified goals. Guided by the goals set, lobbyism can manifest itself in various spheres of the political system of society, combining the closely intertwined interests of various actors in the lobbying process, or even — contrasting them.

Civil Society, Social Movements and the Irish State

2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peadar Kirby
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Free Market ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Partnership ◽  
Corporate Profit ◽  
Fianna Fail

This article develops a theoretical framework to consider the symbiotic relationship between civil society, social movements and the Irish state. Civil society, largely through social movements, laid the foundations for an independent Irish state in the half-century before independence. Following independence, the nature of the civil society–state relationship changed; civil society became much more dependent on the state. The article empirically traces the nature of society's relationship to the state since the 1920s, and examines the nature of the political system and its major political party, Fianna Fáil, the structure of the economy, and the dominance of particular understandings of the role of civil society and the nature of society itself. The period since the advent of social partnership in 1987 is examined; this period marks a new attempt by the state to co-opt organised civil society making it subservient to its project of the imposition on society of the requirements of global corporate profit-making. The more forceful implementation of a global free-market project by the Irish state since the 1980s, and the co-option of organised civil society into this project, has left huge space for an alternative to emerge, the potential of which was indicated by the success of the ‘No’ campaign in the 2008 Lisbon referendum campaign.

Neutralising the Use of Force in Uganda: the Rôle of the Military in Politics

1995 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. A. Brett
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
The Military

Bullets rather than ballots have dominated politics in Uganda since independence, where two governments have been removed by coups, one by a foreign invasion, and another by an armed rebellion. Force has not only dominated the formal political system, but also threatened the economic and social basis on which democratic processes and progressive development depends. For 25 years predatory military rule and civil war have destroyed lives, skills, and assets, undermined institutional competence and accountability, caused widespread per sonal trauma, suppressed autonomous organisations in civil society, and intensified ethnic hostility and conflict. And Uganda is not alone in this – the middle of the twentieth century was dominated by fascism and war, while sectarian or ethnic conflicts in Bosnia, Ulster, Sri Lanka, Somalia, the Sudan, Angola, Liberia, Zaï, Burundi, and Rwanda have inflicted untold damage on people and property.1

scholarly journals Det samiske sivilsamfunnet i Sametinget og i samepolitikken1

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-138
Author(s):  
Per Selle ◽  
Kristin Strømsnes
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Advocacy Role ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship between the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society from several perspectives: those of the party leaders and representatives, the civil society organizations, and the voters. We find that Sámi interest and participation in civil society is at the same level as that of the population at large when we measure participation in Sámi and Norwegian organizations combined. We also find that the level and type of contact between the parties represented in the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society organizations is limited, and that little points to these organizations having an important advocacy role. Their control and opposition role is weak. We conclude that the political role of Sámi civil society is weak and challenging for the Sámi political system and democracy.

Before and After Bin ͑Ali : Comparing Two Attempts at Political Liberalization in Tunisia

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-320
Author(s):  
Sabina Henneberg
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
International Context ◽  
Before And After

AbstractThis article examines changes in Tunisian political and societal life that allowed the country's second attempt at political opening (beginning in 2011) to introduce deeper, more long-lasting changes in its political system as compared to the first attempt (beginning in 1987).1 The article argues that three such changes in particular—the increased role of regime moderates; the development of a network of civil society groups and political activists; and the use of inclusion, negotiation, and consensus—allowed the second attempt to unfold differently. The article also briefly discusses developments in the international context between the two attempts. The article contributes to existing studies of regime change and political transition as well as to historical considerations of Tunisian political developments more broadly.

scholarly journals The Formation of Civil Society and Party-Political system: the Experience of India

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-151
Author(s):  
A. G. VOLODIN
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
Industrial Culture ◽  
Functional Mode

The article, India taken as a case study, is focused on civil  society/party system interrelationship. Among origins of comparative  advancement of India’s party system are such  historical constituents as: lasting existence of “centre- periphery” relations, ambivalent role of “pragmatic” British imperial  rule in country’s development, availability of proactive social forces susceptible to absorb overseas industrial culture as well as  political democracy. In the ultimate analysis, these and other  “motives” were instrumental in India’s choice for representative  institutions as most functional mode of governance. India’s civil society and party system are examined from  the “classic”/ west European political economy perspective.

scholarly journals Civil society Institutions as Agents of Migration Regulation

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 120-124
Author(s):  
K. V. Аrshin
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Critical Problems ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Migration Flows

In this article, the author considers the role of civil society institutions as agents of migration flows regulation . The author demonstrates that such a task can be attributed to institutions of civil society only in the conditions of communitariancontractualist interaction between civil society institutions and public authorities . This type of interaction is observed only under terms of the polyarchical political system . Canada is a prime example of such a system . However, the experience of Canada cannot be fully adopted in the Russian Federation . However, the communitarian-contractualist interaction will allow solving a number of the most critical problems of Russia’s migration policy .

scholarly journals Global migration governance from below in times of COVID-19 and “Zoomification”: civil society in „invited “ and „invented “ spaces

2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Rother
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Global Migration ◽  
Self Organized ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
Output Dimension

AbstractThe global pandemic has resulted in ad hoc unilateral policies on migration, mobility and border management while at the same time emphasizing the need for global cooperation. For global governance in this field to be effective, it needs to include stakeholders beyond states and international institutions. The Global Compact for safe, orderly and regular Migration (GCM) highlights the role of those groups directly affected by global policies, i.e. migrants and their organisations. The goal of this paper is to analyse the role of civil society in global migration governance in times of COVID-19. It employs a comparative approach between “invented” and “invited” spaces. “Invited spaces” in this context refer to spaces created by international organisations such as the United Nations Network on Migration’s “Stakeholder Listening Sessions” on COVID-19 and the resulting statements. “Invented Spaces” refer to self-organized spaces by civil society actors. The paper will compare these spaces regarding their openness, the central issues and calls for specific policy measures, the stakeholders involved and the strategies they employ. I argue that the pandemic has strengthened the “input” dimension for migrant civil society in global governance. This relates to the structure/format as well as to the content of the participation. “Zoomification” has opened up access to “invited” spaces while pushing forward the creation and scope of “invented” spaces”. There are indicators that the pandemic has also influenced parts of the output dimension, although it is too early to assess whether this will have a lasting effect on policies on the ground.

OBJECTIVES AND FUNCTIONS OF LOBISTRY ACTIVITY IN UKRAINE: REALITIES TODAY AND EVOLUTIONARY FORECAST

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 329-339
Author(s):  
Tikhon Sergeyevich Yarovoy
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Public Interests ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Developed Countries ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Industrial Groups

The article is devoted to the research of goals and functions of lobby- ing activity. The author has processed the ideas of domestic and foreign scientists, proposed his own approaches to the definition of goals and functions of lobbying activities through the prism of public administration. As a result, a generalized vision of the goals and functions of lobbying activities as interrelated elements of the lobbying system was proposed, and a forecast for further evolution of the goals and functions of domestic lobbying was provided.The analysis of lobbying functions allowed us to notice the tendencies in shift- ing the goals of this activity. If the objectives were fully covered by functions such as mediation between citizens and the state, the information function and the function of organizing plurality of public interests, then the role of strengthening the self-organization of civil society and the function of compromise become in- creasingly important in the process of formation in the developed countries of civil society and the development of telecommunication technologies.Ukrainian lobbyism will not be left to the side of this process. Already, politi- cians of the highest level, leaders of financial and industrial groups have to act, adjust their goals (even if they are — declared), taking into account the reaction of the public. In the future, this trend will only increase. The analysis of current research and political events provides all grounds for believing that, while proper regulatory legislation is being formed in Ukraine, the goals and functions of do- mestic lobbying will essentially shift towards a compromise with the public.It is noted that in spite of the existence of a basic direction of action, lobbying may have several ramified goals. Guided by the goals set, lobbyism can manifest itself in various spheres of the political system of society, combining the closely intertwined interests of various actors in the lobbying process, or even — contrast- ing them.

The Making of a Fragmented Nation: sufi ṭuruq and Sudan’s Decolonization

2017 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-153
Author(s):  
Giorgio Musso
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Regime Transition ◽  
Social Hierarchies ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
Dominant Classes

This article focuses on the role of sufi ṭuruq during Sudan’s struggle for independence from the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. The decolonization of Sudan unfolded within a fragmentary political landscape characterized by a complex stratification of interests. The role ofṭarīqah-inspired political factions—later evolving into full-fledged parties—contributed to inhibit the birth of a cohesive nationalist movement, giving way to the emergence of a sectarian political system. As prominent members of the traditional establishment of Sudanese society (along with tribal leaders, merchants and other notables), Muslim leaders were afraid of the rising radical nationalist movement, that could have challenged recognized social hierarchies. Their interests converged with those of Great Britain, that since the early 1920s tried to foster the emergence of a moderate nationalist elite under the slogan al-Sūdān li-l-Sūdāniyyīn (“the Sudan for the Sudanese”) to counter Egypt’s influence in the country without subverting the structures of imperial dominance. In this sense, the decolonization of Sudan can be analysed as a “passive revolution”: a gradual regime transition that allowed the dominant classes to take over political power while preserving their fundamental interests.

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