Antidemocratic Populism in Turkey after the July 2016 Coup Attempt

Populism ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julius M. Rogenhofer

AbstractPresident Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) fundamentally transformed the Turkish political realm: The AKP was elected in 2002 on promises of economic liberalisation and accession to the European Union (EU). Over sixteen years it steered Turkey from being perceived as a “model” western-style democracy to autocracy. Instrumental for this transformation was Erdogan’s use of a new form of right-wing, religiously legitimated populism that systematically undermined the institutions of democracy by polarising society, capturing the public discourse and disregarding constitutional principles. This article examines the emergence of the AKP’s right-wing, religiously legitimated populism through three analytical lenses: First, the historical development of democracy in Turkey and its shortcomings; second, the antidemocratic effect of Erdogan’s post-coup attempt policies; third, a comparison between the AKP’s brand of populism with political strategies employed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland and Putin’s Russia.

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 989-997
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa

The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. Loktionova

The article presents the study of tactical urbanism phenomenon as a way of integrating a person into the socio-cultural environment of the city. The works and publications of both domestic and western researchers are considered. The research sources are outlined: from the classics of sociology to contemporaries, informational and analytical Internet resources which highlight the content of the tactical urbanism ideas. The author has revealed that the research focus of the predecessors is mainly focused on rethinking the problem of urban area spatial development. Taking into account this, the process of research definitive field theorizing is highlighted (starts from M.Castells).The content of «tactical urbanism» concept in the public discourse presented. It should be understood as targeted actions of the city authorities and the public in the field of urban environment in order to fill its traditional content. The process of urbanization movement institutionalization in the context of domestic development is presented. The domestic formal / informal local initiatives are analyzed. The basic forms and practices of tactical urbanism are demostrated, the circle of actors involved in the process of their realization is outlined. The main results of the sociological research showing the level of citizens responsibility and involvement in the process of improvement / arrangement of the city’s territory are highlighted. The features of the tactical urbanism phenomenon in the context of the domestic society development in modern conditions are generalized. It is established that the citizens involvement in the practice of tactical urbanization is fairly called a new form of civil participation. However, the results of the conducted sociological research have shown that despite the development of tactical urbanism ideas in the context of domestic urban practices implementation, the population readiness in urban changes and the level of their responsibility for these changes remains low.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Manuela Caiani

Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe—that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of "Europeanization from below."


Intersections ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dragoş Ciulinaru

The article makes the case for the study of borders and boundaries as intertwined concepts that bear multiple implications for understanding the prominence of anti-migration in the public discourse. In this sense Brexit is approached as the epitome of the rebordering of Europe and the analysis’ focus falls on the influence on the outcome of the referendum of the discourses of ‘invading’ Eastern Europeans that burden the British state. The data used includes the declarations of British political leaders, found in media articles and in the official communication of the British Government, over the period of the campaign for the Brexit referendum, as well as in relation to the main milestones of Romania’s European integration. The referendum campaign rhetoric is placed within the wider strategy for obtaining restrictions and exceptions from the principles of freedom of movement in order to curb the mobility of the poor and of those perceived as threateningly different. At the same time, the case of Brexit reveals how outsiders are strategically portrayed as invaders and parasites in order to reclaim territorially binding powers.


Author(s):  
Lisa-Maria N. Neudert

As concerns over misinformation, political bots, and the impact of social media on public discourse manifest in Germany, this chapter explores the role of computational propaganda in and around German politics. The research sheds light on how algorithms, automation, and big data are leveraged to manipulate the German public, presenting real-time social media data and rich evidence from interviews with a wide range of German Internet experts—bot developers, policymakers, cyberwarfare specialists, victims of automated attacks, and social media moderators. In addition, the chapter examines how the ongoing public debate surrounding the threats of right-wing political currents and foreign election interference in the Federal Election 2017 has created sentiments of concern and fear. Imposed regulation, multi-stakeholder actionism, and sustained media attention remain unsubstantiated by empirical findings of computational propaganda. The chapter provides an in-depth analysis of social media discourse during the German parliamentary election 2016. Pioneering the methodological assessment of the magnitude of automation and junk news, the author finds limited evidence of computational propaganda in Germany. The author concludes that the impact of computational propaganda, nonetheless, is substantial in Germany, promoting a dispersed civic debate, political vigilance, and restrictive countermeasures that leave a deep imprint on the freedom and openness of the public discourse in Germany.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera

This chapter first offers narratives introducing actors in the book’s major case studies. In India, these include members of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, which has sought to enlist global allies to press the Indian government for stronger action against caste discrimination, and its critics in the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. The right-wing populist UK Independence Party’s aims for British secession from the European Union are highlighted, as are its claims that the prospect of European Union accession for predominantly Muslim Turkey is a chief reason why Britain should leave. The Turkish case is introduced via street scenes of activists confronting police amid the country’s rising authoritarianism. Then the chapter outlines the book’s major claims for how a robust institutional cosmopolitanism can be shown to orient to political humility rather than arrogance. Variants of cosmopolitanism are discussed, and the book’s argument is previewed by chapter.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-52
Author(s):  
Magdalena Debita

The article presents the issue of state participation in the financing of couples’ infertility treatment with in vitro fertilization. The author emphasizes that highly interesting topic of clinics recommended for infertility treatment has not been sufficiently developed. This subject is systematically developed in the public discourse, but the society, which still remains divided in the matter of state and municipal government participation in the funding of couples' infertility treatment with in vitro. The author presents the evolution of Ministry’s of Health In Vitro Fertilisation Programmes which came under the governance of the Law and Justice party (PiS) in 2016.


2020 ◽  
pp. 089692052095942
Author(s):  
Giorgos Bithymitris

This article discusses the dialectics of class identifications in the case of a shipbuilding community of workers in Greece. Unlike other working-class segments that went through the traumas of the recent economic crisis silently, the workers of Perama Zone attracted the attention of the public discourse on more than one occasion. The violent far-right activism that encroached on the formerly thriving industrial communities of the wider area have reopened an old discussion about the relationship of the working class with fascism. Analysing interview and ethnographic material, the article focuses on the discursive processes of class identity formation. Class as an (im)possible identity is examined through the lenses of sociological and psychodynamic distinctions between identity and identification drawing on the broader literature of cultural class analysis. The overarching aim of the study is to explore the opportunities and limitations of the far-right appeal when class is at work through affirmation and/or negation.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3(66)) ◽  
pp. 277-292
Author(s):  
Cezary Trosiak

Polexit in the Light of the Results of Public Opinion Polls In 2015, presidential and parliamentary elections took place in Poland and, as a result, the pro‑European parliamentary coalition of Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party) lost power after eight years of governing. The winning conservative coalition consisted of three parties: Law and Justice, Solidarity Poland and Jaroslaw Gowin’s Agreement party. From the very beginning, on various occasions (relocation of immigrants, reforms of the judiciary, rule of law) there have been disputes between the new authorities in Warsaw and the EU institutions (European Commission, European Parliament, Court of Justice of the European Union). The concept of polexit appeared in public discourse as one of the possible options for resolving these conflicts. The author of this article undertook the task of analyzing the results of research on the attitude of Polish society to Poland’s membership in the European Union in search of the answer to the question whether in the light of these results polexit is possible and whether it is not possible to repeat the British scenario that led to Brexit.


Sociology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 612-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Krzyżanowska ◽  
Michał Krzyżanowski

This essay illustrates the extent to which crisis has had an impact on public perceptions and discourses of contemporary migration in Poland. We focus on the actual moment of the ‘coming together’ between crisis- and immigration-related discourses and argue that this connection has arisen as part of the recent political strategies of Poland’s right-wing populist government ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS) party. The strong anti-immigration and anti-refugee rhetoric orchestrated by PiS across the Polish public sphere has also played a pivotal role in countenancing xenophobic as well as outright racist sentiments in wider Polish public discourse and society.


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