Left-Wing Italian Jews from the 1960s to 1980s: A Fluid Identity

2012 ◽  
pp. 81-91
Keyword(s):  
Left Wing ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Italian Jews

The Genesis and Internal Dynamics of El Salvador's People's Revolutionary Army, 1970–1976

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Internal Dynamics ◽  
Internal Coherence ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Tito Caula’s photographic imaginary and mid-century Caraqueño modernity

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-79
Author(s):  
Russell White
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
North American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Consumer Society ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Shopping Malls ◽  
Urban Forms ◽  
Economic Boom ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Physical Changes

The photography of the Argentinian photographer Francisco ‘Tito’ Caula tracked some of the key social and physical changes that Caracas underwent during the middle decades of the twentieth century. This period saw the country transition from dictatorship to democracy. Caula’s advertising photographs together with his images of spectacular spaces and buildings such as the Sabana Grande and the Centro Simón Bolívar presented Caracas as a mecca of mid-century ‘petro-modernity’ (LeMenager 2014). In contrast to late nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century modernity, which was predominantly European in influence, Caraqueño modernity at mid-century was more cosmopolitan, taking particular inspiration from the United States. Caula’s photographs speak to the process of Americanization, defined as the adoption of North American cultural products, urban forms and patterns of living that Venezuela underwent during the years Caula spent in the country. Venezuela witnessed an economic boom in the 1960s and 70s, which was fuelled by the US acquisition of Venezuelan oil. In Venezuela, the boom facilitated the growth of a consumer society as well as the development of such quintessentially North American urban forms as freeways, shopping malls, drive-in movie theatres, suburbs and skyscrapers. It was also accompanied by the adoption of violent security tactics by the state’s security apparatus and the political marginalization of the radical left. Given that Caula held left-wing views, it is perhaps surprising that his photographs (at least those that have been published) do not explore the tensions at the heart of the Pacto de Punto Fijo, instituted to ensure that the transition from dictatorship to democracy would hold following elections in 1958. The celebration of North American influence within Caula’s photographs puts them in dialogue with critical perspectives that have seen US cultural influence rather more negatively. Moreover, their celebration of prosperity and their presentation of Caracas as an exciting city means that, for some, they have taken on a nostalgic hue.

Conclusion

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Udi Greenberg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Student Movements ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Small Organizations ◽  
New Vision ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
New Generation

This chapter considers the new vision of democracy ushered in by the generation of the 1960s. Unlike the architects of the postwar order, left-wing students challenged, rather than celebrated, the legitimacy of elected institutions and party politics. Parliaments were merely stages for oligarchies, tools for self-perpetuating elites. In both West Germany and the United States, students claimed that state institutions inevitably reinforced rigid hierarchies and oppressive norms. A “true” democracy could not be built by state agencies. Rather, it would emerge from “autonomy,” from small organizations, student movements, NGOs, and, later, human rights organizations. When the frustration and anger of this new generation exploded in protest in the late 1960s, German émigrés were among its main targets. Student journals and pamphlets frequently attacked and ridiculed the leading thinkers of the older generation. Such criticism was especially ferocious in West Germany, where returning émigrés came to represent Cold War ties with an amoral and depraved United States.

Origins of the present crisis?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rory Scothorne ◽  
Ewan Gibbs
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual Development ◽  
World Systems ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Current State ◽  
National Question ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Economic

The current state of the radical left and, more broadly, politics in Scotland has its roots in the unique set of political, economic and intellectual conditions found in the 1960s and 1970s. Where mainstream accounts of the origins and development of Scottish nationalism - and its increasing popularity on the left - emphasise political and economic origins in these decades, this chapter emphasises the equally crucial intellectual developments of the period. Khruschev’s ‘secret speech’, ‘de-Stalinization’ and the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 engendered a growing plurality of perspectives on the European left, and it was under these new conditions that the British left increasingly questioned Stalinist orthodoxies, and established critiques of labourism and the ‘British Road to Socialism’. The search for alternatives to the classical Marxist, social democratic and Soviet canons led to a new theoretical heterodoxy, bringing Gramscian and world-systems theories to the fore along with a more politically ambiguous conception of the ‘national question’. This chapter integrates an analysis of the intellectual development of left-wing Scottish nationalism with a consideration of the growth of its influence within the labour movement during the 1960s and 1970s.

15. The Rise of Anti-Establishment Parties

2020 ◽  
pp. 307-326
Author(s):  
Mara Morini
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Approach ◽  
European Politics ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
New Parties ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Nationalist Parties ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

This chapter examines the rise of radical right-wing nationalist parties and radical anti-globalization, anti-austerity left-wing parties in Europe. Anti-establishment parties are not new; they have always been a feature of European politics. The ground was not seeded for their development and expansion, however, until social and cultural changes that began in the 1960s combined with the economic and migration crises of the 2000s. The chapter discusses historic anti-establishment parties and the new parties that have emerged over the last two decades. It discusses the nature of anti-establishment parties and describes contemporary radical-left and extreme-right parties. The label of ‘populism’ as applied to these parties is analysed. Using a comparative approach, the chapter examines why there has been a growth of support for anti-establishment parties and attitudes in the last decades, focusing on the development of a ‘populist moment’ in contemporary representative democracies.

Accordion Conjuntos and the Commercialization of Panamanian Música Típica

2020 ◽  
pp. 87-122
Author(s):  
Sean Bellaviti
Keyword(s):  
Internal Migration ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Cultural Preservation ◽  
Significant Part ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Rural People ◽  
Commercial Radio ◽  
Popular Classes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Creative Interventions

Moving through the 1940s to the late 1960s, chapter 3 examines música típica’s sudden and wholehearted embrace by Panama’s popular classes. This boom was produced in significant part by massive internal migration of rural people both to the capital and other parts of the interior, the transformative effect of the arrival of cash-based economies in rural areas, the advent of commercial radio, and the creative interventions of pioneering musicians. All these changes, the author shows, stimulated the rapid commercialization of the genre, which further galvanized calls for cultural preservation even as performance opportunities for commercial música típica conjuntos grew dramatically. The chapter closes with an examination of how música típica’s broad acceptance by Panama’s popular classes and its continued connection with the country’s interior led to its development as a form of popular musical nationalism that, by the end of the 1960s, found favor among the leaders of Panama’s left-wing revolutionary government.

The Revolution in Political Cartoons and the Early Australian

2015 ◽  
Vol 157 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-67
Author(s):  
Robert Phiddian
Keyword(s):  
Middle Part ◽  
Political Cartoons ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Common Assumption ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Revolution

In the 1960s, Australian political cartoons were transformed by three events: the arrival of Les Tanner at The Bulletin after Donald Horne was put in charge by Frank Packer; the radically new style and content of Bruce Petty's cartoons during The Australian's first decade; and the later development of a stable of cartoonists at The Age. In this period, the now common assumption that cartoonists are ‘always left-wing’ came into being – an obvious irony given the career arcs of proprietors like Packer and Rupert Murdoch. This article focuses on the middle part of this narrative, the impact of Bruce Petty's visually and politically radical cartooning for The Australian from day one. In what ways does Petty's work incarnate the anti-establishment ‘ethos’ of the young newspaper? What were the visual and political consequences for other broadsheets? How did this ‘left-wing’ impetus end at The Australian and live on in other papers?

Cody’s Books

LOGOS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
David Emblidge
Keyword(s):  
San Francisco ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Chain Stores ◽  
Street Violence ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The University

Cody’s Books, in Berkeley, California, had its roots during the mid-1950s in the left-wing sympathies of its founders, the husband–wife team of Fred and Patricia Cody. Serving the University of California nearby, the much admired bookstore became a hangout and haven for intellectually curious students and faculty. In the social protest movements of the 1960s, the store functioned as a refuge from street violence as students and police clashed outside. When long-term employee Andy Ross bought the shop upon the Codys’ retirement, it was a thriving business but soon ran into challenges from encroaching chain stores and the emergence of online shopping. Ross responded variously: sometimes with ambitious, effective bookselling tactics, sometimes with ineffective resentment towards consumers who had abandoned the store. Attempts to survive through risky refinancing and the infusion of foreign investment money to support expansion into San Francisco all backfired. The last Cody’s branch closed ignominiously in 2008.

scholarly journals A (Trans)National Emotional Community? Greek Political Songs and the Politicisation of Greek Migrants in West Germany in the 1960s and early 1970s

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-614
Author(s):  
NIKOLAOS PAPADOGIANNIS
Keyword(s):  
West Germany ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
Greek Migrants ◽  
Political Songs

AbstractThis article examines the emotional standards and experiences connected with the entehno laiko music composed by Mikis Theodorakis that was immensely popular among left-wing Greek migrants, workers and students, living in West Germany in the 1960s and the early 1970s. Expanding on a body of literature that explores the transnational dimensions of protest movements in the 1960s and the 1970s, the article demonstrates that these transnational dimensions were not mutually exclusive with the fact that at least some of those protestors felt that they belonged to a particular nation. Drawing on the conceptual framework put forth by Barbara Rosenwein, it argues that the performance of these songs was conducive to the making of a (trans)national emotional community. On the one hand, for Greek left-wingers residing in West Germany and, after 1967, for Greek centrists too, the collective singing of music composed by Theodorakis initially served as a means of ‘overcoming fear’ and of forging committed militants who struggled for the social and political transformation of their country of origin. On the other, from the late 1960s onwards those migrants increasingly enacted this emotional community with local activists from West Germany as well.

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