Karl Marx’s Point of View in his Political-Economic Critique: A Review of Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1872)

2017 ◽  
pp. 100-111
Author(s):  
Ya. S. Yadgarov

The relevance of the article is due to the significant date — the 200th anniversary of the publication in 1819 of the “New Principles of Political Economy” (“Nouveaux principes d’économie politique, ou de la richesse dans ses rapports avec la population”) by Jean Charles Léonard de Sismondi (also known as Jean Charles Leonard Simonde de Sismondi), the founder of the economic romanticism. In this book, the purpose of this branch of human knowledge for the first time is interpreted not through the prism of the dominant ideas of economic liberalism at the turn of the XVIII–XIX centuries, but from the point of view of moral and ethical values. Here Sismondi examines and comprehends the alternative arguments formulated against the adherents of classical political economy (and, above all, the author of “On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation” published in 1817 by D. Ricardo) about the unattainability of automatic self-regulation of the market system and the expediency of its permanent regulation by the state within the framework of economic reforms that can provide a leading role in the economy of small business. Through historical and economic analysis, the author compared the evaluative judgments about the innovations contained in the book by S. Sismondi, related to the moral paradigm of political economy he justified, in the works of K. Marx, V. I. Lenin, S. Gide, S. Rist, M. Blaug and other researchers of economic science in the past and present. The author substantiates the generalizing conclusion that creativity of S. Sismondi, in the context of moral and ethical political-economic values, contrasted his own vision of scientific and practical problems — political economy and the implementation of the proposed reform project, the absolutisation of the principles of economic liberalism for the formation of a non-cyclical crisis-free socio-oriented economic system and the achievement of social justice in society.


2019 ◽  
pp. 74-98
Author(s):  
A.B. Lyubinin

Review of the monograph indicated in the subtitle V.T. Ryazanov. The reviewer is critical of the position of the author of the book, believing that it is possible and even necessary (to increase the effectiveness of General economic theory and bring it closer to practice) substantial (and not just formal-conventional) synthesis of the Marxist system of political economy with its non-Marxist systems. The article emphasizes the difference between the subject and the method of the classical, including Marxist, school of political economy with its characteristic objective perception of the subject from the neoclassical school with its reduction of objective reality to subjective assessments; this excludes their meaningful synthesis as part of a single «modern political economy». V.T. Ryazanov’s interpretation of commodity production in the economic system of «Capital» of K. Marx as a purely mental abstraction, in fact — a fiction, myth is also counter-argued. On the issue of identification of the discipline «national economy», the reviewer, unlike the author of the book, takes the position that it is a concrete economic science that does not have a political economic status.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136843102098689
Author(s):  
Pedro A. Teixeira

In keeping with the radical openness of his theory of democracy, Habermas avoided pre-determining the ideal mode of economic organization for his favoured model of deliberative democracy. Instead of attempting a full-blown derivation, in this article, I propose adapting the Rawlsian method of comparing different political–economic regimes as candidate applications of his theory of justice to Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy. Although both theorists are seen as endorsing liberal democratic world views, from the perspective of political economy, the corollary of their conceptions of democracy would arguably veer elsewhere: in Rawls’s case, into the territory of property-owning democracy or democratic socialism, and in Habermas’s, into any political–economic regime which guarantees the real exercise of full political and discursive liberties against the background of legitimate lawmaking. The ultimate aim of this article is to discuss whether a concrete conception of democratic socialism, if any, is compatible with Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 7238
Author(s):  
Roberto Martín-González ◽  
Kamilla Swart ◽  
Ana-María Luque-Gil

Sport tourism has experienced considerable growth in the last decades, either from the sport events perspective or considering an active sport tourism approach. Therefore, some emergent market niches like surf tourism have been developed in numerous coastal destinations to attract sustainability-sensitive tourists due to the ongoing environmental challenges and the socio-economic crisis. Cape Town is positioned in a prominent place in terms of competitiveness, with a considerable variety of beaches and surf spots facing multiple issues. The aim of this study is to try to identify the most competitive beaches and subdistricts in terms of sustainability and to suggest criteria for surf-tourism-related indicators to obtain an overview about this space, using weighting indicators, and applying geography and political economy lenses. The results reveal that Strand, Table View, and Surfers’ Corner are the most competitive beaches. Additionally, beaches located in some underprivileged areas such as Mitchells Plain and Khayelitsha are potentially interesting from a socio-economic development point of view, although they show a lack of accommodation infrastructures. These results seem to indicate that those areas should be closely monitored, and destination managers should focus their attention and finance there to obtain a more sustainable surf tourism development.


2021 ◽  
pp. 097639962097863
Author(s):  
Krishna Prasad Pandey

Nepal and Bhutan, two Shangri-las of South Asia, share similar geo-political features but substantially differ in terms of demographic size and ethno-political history. The Constitution of Nepal 2015 which was promulgated by the second Constituent Assembly formed in 2013 came up with its inclusive character as it secured reasonable space for the ethnic minorities and owned their political, economic and cultural concerns. On the contrary, Bhutan adopted a different course in terms of accommodating ethnic and minority aspirations, although the country has also chosen parliamentary democracy in a narrow sense since 2008. From constitutional point of view, Nepal’s move from a liberal to an inclusive constitution made strenuous effort to bring all sections of Nepali society on board but Bhutan’s shift from a royal decree to an exclusionary constitution consciously left a large section of minority behind by suppressing their legitimate claims for basic democratic rights. This article explores the inclusive and exclusionary characters of the current constitutions of these countries from ethnic perspective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Axel Pedersen ◽  
Kristoffer Albris ◽  
Nick Seaver

Attention has become an issue of intense political, economic, and moral concern over recent years: from the commodification of attention by digital platforms to the alleged loss of the attentional capacities of screen-addicted children (and their parents). While attention has rarely been an explicit focus of anthropological inquiry, it has still played an important if mostly tacit part in many anthropological debates and subfields. Focusing on anthropological scholarship on digital worlds and ritual forms, we review resources for colleagues interested in this burgeoning topic of research and identify potential avenues for an incipient anthropology of attention, which studies how attentional technologies and techniques mold human minds and bodies in more or less intentional ways. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Anthropology, Volume 50 is October 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.


Author(s):  
Brice Nixon

This article contributes to a political economic theory centred on the concept of “audience labour”. First, the previous use of the concept of audience labour is briefly traced and the process of rethinking the concept as the basis of a political economic theory is begun. Second, a theory of the audience labour process is developed, drawing on previous theories of audience activities of cultural consumption as productive activities of signification and adapting Marx’s theory of the human labour process to the audience labour process. Third, a political economy of audience labour is outlined. As a theory of the basic processes through which communicative capital can control and extract value from audience labour, it describes the exploitation of audience labour and accumulation of communicative capital through distribution relationships of rent and interest. Finally, the continuing centrality of audience labour exploitation in the digital era is discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Mikidadu Mohammed ◽  
Jean Marie Luundo

This paper introduces a novel country classification system that rates the political economy risks of countries for the purpose of conducting international business. It is intended to provide investors, multinational companies, and business researchers a quick and efficient way of gauging the extent of political, economic, and legal risks associated with doing business in different countries. The study covers over 170 countries and identifies 24 country types. At the extremes are Type 1 countries (least risky) and Type 24 countries (most risky). Overall, the new classification system suggests that political economy risks associated with doing international business are relatively mild in Type 1, Type 3, and Type 4 countries. However, international businesses should temper their investment decisions with caution in Type 19, Type 20, Type 22, Type 23, and Type 24 countries due to high political, economic, and legal risks, especially Types 23 and 24 where these risks are excessive. At the same time, international businesses may want to refocus their attention to Type 11 countries who are now havens for international investments due to drastic reduction in political, economic, and legal risks associated with doing business. The twenty-four country types identified in this new classification system are time-invariant. Thus, countries may move up or down due to improvements or deteriorations in certain aspects of their political economy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Ahmad Nashrudin Priatna

The mass media, whether print or broadcast (TV and Radio) plays a significant role in disseminating important messages to the public / society. Karl Marx said "that the media referred to as the class that set, in the system of modern capitalism. So therefore the media in the present era, into a commodity economy and politics, because of its function and because ownership massive by individuals (owners of capital). That allows, position the media and not only to function as a disseminator of information, but because of the ownership of such individuals, are very likely to be a tool for "political dealings", rather than as a function of social control. in the practice of political communication, media becomes a medium that is not inevitable in conveying messages politics, especially during the campaign, the elections political leadership, good legislative elections, presidential elections, and the elections. Radar Banten and Baraya TV is a media agency which is recognized as a great and influential in Banten province, which is a member of the Jawa Pos ( Java Post News Network) beperan menyerbarluaskan major messages of the prospective head region in the activities of the campaign. The phenomenon of political economic practices, be a gamble for the function and positioning to the two media institutions. Is capable of functioning media (read: news) or more tend to promote the business side, perhaps, their political position. Keywords: media, political communication, the Regional Head Election (Election) Banten, The political economy of the media


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