From protection to persecution: Threat environment and refugee scapegoating

2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Savun ◽  
Christian Gineste
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Host Countries ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
Security Crises

The security consequences associated with refugee flows are among the most widely studied aspects of forced migration. While the majority of this research program has focused on how refugee movements affect the risk of political violence, scant scholarly attention has been paid to violence perpetrated against refugees. Building upon the state repression literature, we argue that refugees are particularly vulnerable to the violation of their physical integrity rights in the wake of terrorist attacks in host states. Governments are pressured to respond to security crises but prefer to take actions without jeopardizing public support. In this context, refugee groups can be strategically attractive targets of repression because they lack electoral power and citizens are often supportive of government crackdown against foreigners in times of security crises. Given that leaders have stronger incentives to respond to voters’ demands quickly in democracies, we expect the effect of terror attacks on violence against refugees to be stronger in democratic host states. Using a novel global dataset on anti-refugee violence between 1996 and 2015, we show that refugees are more likely to be exposed to violence by the coercive agents of the state in the wake of security crises. We provide suggestive evidence that the repression of refugees is more consistent with a scapegoating mechanism than the actual ties and involvement of refugees in terrorism. The findings reveal that the well-being of uprooted populations is particularly at risk when host countries face a security threat.

Terrorism in Spain

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-99
Author(s):  
Diego Muro
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Terrorist Group ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Collective Security ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Intelligence Services ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
Violence Against Civilians

Spain has experienced four waves of terrorism during the twentieth century: anarchist, nationalist, left-wing, and religious. This chapter examines the variety and intensity of terrorist incidents of the last two waves, as well as the counter-terrorist efforts since 1975. The argument is structured as follows: First, the chapter accounts for the longevity of the main campaigns of indiscriminate violence against civilians. Second, it evaluates the interaction between the security and intelligence services and the various clandestine groups, and argues that the process of democratization increased the effectiveness of counterterrorism, particularly against ETA. The section further argues that collective security is a relational act that brings two self-interested actors—the state and the terrorist group—into conflict with each other, and that it is not possible to study campaigns of political violence in isolation. Third, the chapter critically assesses the security threat posed by Salafi jihadist cells, which were responsible for the attacks on Madrid (2004) and Barcelona (2017), and examines the ongoing agenda of countering and preventing violent extremism in Spain.

scholarly journals Economic Legitimation in a New Era: Public Attitudes to State Ownership and Market Regulation in China

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Eaton ◽  
Reza Hasmath
Keyword(s):  
Growth Promotion ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Well Being ◽  
State Ownership ◽  
The State ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Market Regulation ◽  
Economic Roles ◽  
Original Survey

Abstract Autocrats typically seek public support on the basis of economic growth-promotion and redistribution policies, and China is no exception. As important as these factors are for authoritarian resilience, we argue that economic legitimation is a more complex phenomenon than has previously been acknowledged. Beyond improvements in material well-being, citizens form judgements about the state's effectiveness in carrying out a variety of economic roles beyond growth promotion and they also care about the fairness of these market interventions. In this study, we use original survey data collected in late 2015 and early 2016 to evaluate Chinese citizens’ perceptions of two economic roles of the state that have been hotly debated in recent years: state ownership and market regulation. We find that while citizens view the ideas of state ownership and interventionist regulation in a generally positive light, suggesting a broad level of agreement in Chinese society about what economic functions the state ought to perform, perceptions of how the state actually carries out these roles are more mixed. Our results show that the urban young are especially inclined to critical evaluations, raising the question of how the Chinese Communist Party's legitimation strategy will fare under conditions of inter-generational value change.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Melissa M. Lee
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Negative Externalities ◽  
Security Community ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Health And Well Being ◽  
The U.S

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the problem of incomplete state consolidation—the failure to govern the entirety of a state’s territory. In the 30 years since the end of the Cold War, the problem of incomplete state consolidation has begun to occupy greater prominence in the U.S. foreign policy consciousness. Since the 9/11 terror attacks, the U.S. security community has become increasingly concerned about the negative externalities of “ungoverned spaces”—pockets of territory that are either fully or partially outside the authority of the state. The problem of incomplete state consolidation reaches beyond the specter of international terrorism, lawlessness, and violence. For a great many people, the absence of the state is highly consequential in terms of economic development, public goods, and human health and well-being. This book studies foreign subversion and how it undermines state authority and impedes state consolidation. The chapter then assesses why incomplete state consolidation and its international causes matter.

scholarly journals Can Care and Compassion—Be the Ultimate Solution of Terrorism?

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Urmi Ray
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Just War ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Stream ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
State Terrorism ◽  
Aum Shinrikyo ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

<p><em>Like a number of serious problems in our world terrorism is also one of them. Now what do we mean by; ‘terrorism’? It is a political phenomenon, where violence and bloodshed are brought upon the innocent citizens in order to shaken up the Government as it exploits the so-called terrorists. This is a set up which runs parallel with the main stream to devastate the main stream, in a secretive or clandestine method. Thus any violent bloodshed such as killing in robbery or insurgency cannot be called terrorism as there either the cause is not political as in case of killing in robbery; or common men are not targeted as in case of insurgency (although its cause is political). Again Guerilla tactic although is a clandestine or secretive method still it is not terrorism as here the units of the Government, that is innocent citizens are not killed. Revolution also involves violence but unlike terrorism it gains public support.  The terrorists claim that they are actually waging a war against the Government, but in a war certain just rules are followed which states that proportionality between the means and end should be maintained, there should be a legitimate authority waging a war, it goes on within a particular territory, it should have a consistent success rate and most importantly it protects the immunity of the innocent mass. But in terrorism such rules of just war are lacking. Thus terrorism is a political violence between the mighty and the weak, for which it can also be called a class struggle or power struggle, where the weak sect shake the mighty by attacking upon those who are part and parcel of the mighty. This ‘ism’ is thus different from war, insurgency, revolution, crime and guerilla tactic because of its distinct feature that it does not attack its direct victim but attacks its indirect victim. In other words instead of destroying the Government which is guilty to them it attacks the innocent citizens of the Government because they are the units of the Government. Thus if the part is destroyed then the whole would automatically be shaken up. This unique mentality is found only in this ‘ism’ thus it differs from all other instances of violence. Terrorism is of two types—Terrorism from Above and Terrorism from Below. The former is also known as ‘State Sponsored Terrorism’ where the state is found to torture its citizens. The latter is termed ‘Non-State Terrorism’ where the exploited lot terrorizes the state for having been oppressed by it for years. The Non-State Terrorism is formed by the private parties such as Al Qaeda, Aum Shinrikyo, Maoists of India and so on.</em></p>

scholarly journals The Shapeshifting Self: Narrative Pathways into Political Violence

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 464
Author(s):  
Hannes Sonnenschein ◽  
Tomas Lindgren
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Meaning Making ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Consensus Definition ◽  
Popular Discourse ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
Identity Narratives ◽  
The Social ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
And Coping

In the wake of numerous terror attacks around the globe, academic and popular discourse on radicalization has witnessed exponential growth in publications that, sadly, have not resulted in a coherent or consensus definition of the concept, nor have they determined its causality and effects. In this article, we use the term three-pronged process of radicalization by narrative to denote an ongoing process of meaning-making, adaptation, and coping, and argue this process to be inherently linked with the social, cultural, and ideological construction and reconstruction of the identity arch-story of individual lives. We suggest that, in some cases, the ceaseless process of social interaction of identity narratives eventuates in what we define as the Shapeshifting Self, by coherently fusing stories of personal loss, rupture, or trauma together with the counterparts of movements and national stories of sociopolitical engagement. At the endpoint of the process, violent engagement is perceived by the self as legitimate and even necessary for the psychological well-being of the perpetrator. By applying this approach to the Jewish-Israeli context, we aim to illustrate the socioculturally situated contingencies associated with the process of radicalization by narrative.

scholarly journals A comparative study of tools and processes of empowerment and inclusion of marginalized communities as under affirmative action and the EU framework. The case of the Roma of Hungary and the Dalits of India

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Malay Mishra
Keyword(s):  
Social Science Research ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Marginalized Communities ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Differences

Marginalization is a socio-political reality and is visible amongst communities deemed marginalized according to accepted standards of social and economic exploitation. - Notwithstanding their geo-spatial and contextual differences such communities are widely spread. - Marginalization has for centuries been intimately linked to poverty, degradation and superficial superior-inferior constructs based on race, religion, status and nationality - Marginalized communities (in this case Roma and Dalits) could learn from their respective experiences with the support of their own governments, and such experience-sharing could go towards their eventual empowerment and inclusion in the society. - A positive approach in recognizing their strengths and respecting them as equal members of the society could go a long way in recognizing their value and advocating their cause for empowerment. - Inclusive community development and participatory grassroots governance are the most potent answers to develop the skills of these communities by themselves and provide them agency and advocacy. - Corruption and lack of proper management of funds disbursal are anti-growth factors. Unless suitably curbed, they could seriously hamper developmental efforts made for the marginalized communities and the status quo can never change. - An alternative knowledge path of recognising and appreciating their cultural and social capital to the previously seen historical or anecdotal approach could lay the foundation for a better understanding of the cause of the malaise and the means for redressal of the problems on the ground. - Identity is an important marker for marginalized communities though at times such communities, when they get beyond a certain threshold of marginalization and start to integrate with the mainstream population, tend to voluntarily dissociate themselves from their original ethnic identity. Notwithstanding such occasional deviational behaviour, both group and individual identity are means of sustenance and security for these groups in the face of dominance by socially powerful bodies. - While several studies have come out on the historiography of narratives about the Roma, cross-cultural references to other similarly placed marginalized communities has been seriously lacking in social science research. By assessing the ‘comparability’ of the Roma with the Dalits of India despite their geo-political differences through suitable contextualisation, a serious step has been taken in initiating comparative studies of various marginalized communities in other parts of the world. - Such an approach could foster inter-culturalism as against the rising trend of authoritarianism and the concomitant spread of radicalism from extreme-left and right forces. The best way to go forward would be for the state to initiate a dialogue of cooperation with mutual respect and understanding with such marginalized communities who otherwise have the potential of creating disturbance in the society because of sheer cul-de-sac frustration and justifiable clamour to meet their economic needs. - Integration of the needs and well-being of all sections of the society, and particularly of the most vulnerable, could work towards ushering a rules-based system ensuring overall development, security and resilience as a firewall against fissiparous and divisive factors of terrorism and forced migration which could potentially rupture the fabric of the state and disrupt inter-state relations.

The Russian nationalist movement at low ebb

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Verkhovsky
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Subsequent Increase ◽  
Nationalist Movement

This chapter examines changes in the Russian nationalist movement from Russia’s annexation of Crimea until the State Duma elections in September 2016. Since 2014, the nationalist movement has been split over which side to support in the war in Ukraine. Then, with the subsequent increase in state repression of ultra-rightists, the movement lapsed into total decline. The chapter traces activities in various sectors of Russian nationalism, discussing the separate trajectories of the pro-Kremlin and oppositional nationalists, as well as the latter group’s further subdivision into groups that support or oppose the ‘Novorossiia programme’. Attention is paid to the complex relationship and interaction between the various groups of nationalists, as well as to their interaction with the powers-that-be and with the liberal opposition.

PREREQUISITES FOR THE FORMATION OF A MECHANISM FOR STATE REGULATION OF SOCIAL GUARANTEES IN THE REGION

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vitaly Lobas ◽  
◽  
Elena Petryaeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Protection ◽  
Well Being ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Periodic Review ◽  
Cost Of Living ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
State Management ◽  
The Cost

The article deals with modern mechanisms for managing social protection of the population by the state and the private sector. From the point of view of forms of state regulation of the sphere of social protection, system indicators usually include the state and dynamics of growth in the standard of living of the population, material goods, services and social guarantees for the poorly provided segments of the population. The main indicator among the above is the state of the consumer market, as one of the main factors in the development of the state. Priority areas of public administration with the use of various forms of social security have been identified. It should be emphasized that, despite the legislative conflicts that exist today in Ukraine, mandatory indexation of the cost of living is established, which is associated with inflation. Various scientists note that although the definition of the cost of living index has a well-established methodology, there are quite a lot of regional features in the structure of consumption. All this is due to restrictions that are included in the consumer basket of goods and different levels of socio-economic development of regions. The analysis of the establishment and periodic review of the minimum consumer budgets of the subsistence minimum and wages of the working population and the need to form state insurance funds for unforeseen circumstances is carried out. Considering in this context the levers of state management of social guarantees of the population, we drew attention to the crisis periods that are associated with the market transformation of the regional economy. In these conditions, there is a need to develop and implement new mechanisms and clusters in the system of socio-economic relations. The components of the mechanisms ofstate regulation ofsocial guarantees of the population are proposed. The deepening of market relations in the process of reforming the system of social protection of the population should be aimed at social well-being.

Ghana: the State of Agriculture and Prospects for Food Security in the Context of Achieving SDGs

2018 ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Tatyana Denisova
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Careful Study ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
The Government

For the first time in Russian African studies, the author examines the current state of agriculture, challenges and prospects for food security in Ghana, which belongs to the group of African countries that have made the most progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs are a collection of 17 global goals adopted by UN member states in 2015 with a view of achieving them by 2030. The SDGs include: ending poverty in all its forms everywhere (Goal 1); ending hunger, achieving food security and improved nutrition, and promoting sustainable agriculture (2); ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages (3), etc. These goals are considered fundamental because the achievement of a number of other SDGs – for example, ensuring quality education (4), achieving gender equality (5), ensuring sustainable consumption and production patterns (12), etc. – largely depends on their implementation. Ghana was commended by the world community for the significant reduction in poverty, hunger and malnutrition between 2000 and 2014, i.e. for the relatively successful implementation of the first of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs, 2000–2015) – the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. However, SDGs require more careful study and planning of implementation measures. In order to achieve the SDGs, the Government of Ghana has adopted a number of programs, plans and projects, the successful implementation of which often stumbles upon the lack of funding and lack of coordination between state bodies, private and public organizations, foreign partners – donors and creditors, etc., which are involved in the processes of socioeconomic development of Ghana. The author determines the reasons for the lack of food security in Ghana, gives an assessment of the state of the agricultural sector, the effective development of which is a prerequisite for the reduction of poverty and hunger, primarily due to the engagement of a significant share (45%) of the economically active population in this sector. The study shows that the limited growth in food production is largely due to the absence of domestic markets and necessary roads, means of transportation, irrigation and storage infrastructure, as well as insufficient investment in the agricultural sector, rather than to a shortage of fertile land or labor.

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