The Varying Mechanisms of Media Access: Explaining Interest Groups’ Media Visibility across Political Systems

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110645
Author(s):  
Juho Vesa ◽  
Anne Skorkjær Binderkrantz
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Media Access ◽  
Media Management ◽  
Weak Support ◽  
Elite Status ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Media Data

A growing body of studies analyzes interest groups’ media visibility. Yet little is known about how the drivers of media access may vary across different interest group systems. This article focuses on two major mechanisms through which organizations can gain media visibility: media management efforts and the newsworthiness of elite actors. We hypothesize that media effort explains interest groups’ media access more strongly in competitive, pluralist interest group systems and that insider (i.e. “elite”) status does so more strongly in hierarchical, corporatist systems. We analyze surveys and media data on interest groups in the pluralist United Kingdom, the moderately corporatist Denmark, and the more strongly corporatist Finland. As hypothesized, media effort is most effective in the UK and weakest in Finland. However, we find only weak support for the insider status hypothesis: there is some evidence of the expected cross-country differences, but the effects are small and unrobust.

scholarly journals Diversity in the News? A Study of Interest Groups in the Media in the UK, Spain and Denmark

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Skorkjær Binderkrantz ◽  
Laura Chaqués Bonafont ◽  
Darren R. Halpin
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
News Media ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Extensive Coverage ◽  
Citizen Groups ◽  
Country Analysis ◽  
The Media ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
The Uk

This article provides the first systematic cross-country analysis of interest group appearances in the news media. The analysis included three countries – the UK, Spain and Denmark – each representing one of Hallin and Mancini’s1three overall models of media and politics: the liberal system, the polarized pluralist system and the democratic corporatist system. It finds important similarities across countries with high levels of concentration in media coverage of groups, more extensive coverage of economic groups than citizen groups, and differential patterns of group appearances across policy areas and between right- and left-leaning papers. It also identifies country variation, with the highest degree of concentration among group appearances in Spanish newspapers and the most attention to economic groups in Danish newspapers.

Interest Groups and Political Integration: the 1972 EEC Decisions in Norway and Denmark

1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Leslie
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Conflicting Evidence ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
Geographical Expansion ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
Interest Organizations

The article examines four themes of Robert J. Lieber's article in the APSR of March 1972: “Interest Groups and Political Integration: British Entry into Europe,” bringing in new evidence from the Norwegian and Danish EEC decisions of 1972. The conclusions are that:—(a) there is conflicting evidence regarding the applicability of functionalist theories of political integration to the geographical expansion of an existing union;(b) the attempt to link theories of interest group activity and theories of political integration is based on a premature if not unwise generalization about decision-making processes within interest organizations;(c) politicization (as Lieber defines it) is inherently neither favorable nor unfavorable to integration; and(d) in discussing political integration, the distinction between “high” politics (Hoffman) and welfare considerations is best abandoned, provided the observer remembers that there are more dimensions to critical decisions than the economic.The article concludes with the suggestion that there are slim prospects for developing a theory of political integration applicable to the creation or extension of a union, and that the appropriate “vocation” for such a theory is to elucidate the workings of political systems which have two or more “levels” of political authorities.

scholarly journals Party competition on climate policy: The roles of interest groups, ideology and challenger parties in the UK and Ireland

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212097258
Author(s):  
Neil Carter ◽  
Conor Little
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Climate Policy ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Climate Politics ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Issue Competition ◽  
New Evidence

This study shows how interest group–party relations, parties’ cross-cutting policy preferences, and competition with challenger parties shape the structure of issue competition on climate policy. It uses the ‘most similar’ cases of the UK and Ireland to show how differences in party systems influence the structure of issue competition. The study takes up the challenge of integrating salience and position in the conceptualisation of climate policy preferences. Empirically, it provides new evidence on factors influencing climate policy preferences and the party politics of climate change, focusing on interest groups, party ideology, and challenger parties. Further, it identifies similarities between the general literature on interest group influence on party preferences and the literature on interest groups in climate politics, and seeks to make connections between them.

On Joining Interest Groups: An Empirical Consideration of the Work of Mancur Olson Jr.

1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marsh
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Relative Influence ◽  
Economic Interest ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
British Industry ◽  
Democratic Ideology ◽  
Mancur Olson

The academic literature on interest groups has tended to concentrate on the assessment of the relative influence of these groups in different political systems, and on the implications of the activities of interest groups for democratic ideology. In recent years, however, the work of Mancur Olson has stimulated an increasing interest in the formation of interest groups, and in the reasons why individuals (or corporate bodies) join them. The aim of this article is to examine Olson's analysis in the light of a study of one major British economic interest group, the Confederation of British Industry. In the course of this examination I hope to illustrate some of the weaknesses of Olson's analysis and to suggest how it might be refined and developed.

scholarly journals Interest Groups, Public Expenditure, and Economic Growth: An Empirical Investigation

2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-159
Author(s):  
Kim Eun Ji ◽  
Kim Sang Heon
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Government Expenditure ◽  
Group Activity ◽  
Exact Nature ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Positive Effect

Although many studies have dealt with the relationship between government expenditure and economic growth, none has been able to pinpoint its exact nature. Recently, however, new efforts have been made to find new factors or variables that moderate the relationship. This paper investigates a new moderating variable, interest group activity, as suggested by Kim (forthcoming). According to cross-country data analysis, the interaction term between government expenditure and interest group activity plays a significant role. Government expenditure has been estimated to have a positive effect on economic growth when interest groups are inactive, and a negative impact on growth when interest groups are active.

Agricultural policy debates: Examining the alternative and conventional perspectives

1993 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Curtis E. Beus ◽  
Riley E. Dunlap
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Agricultural Policy ◽  
Alternative Agriculture ◽  
Conventional Agriculture ◽  
Considerable Similarity ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Wide Range

AbstractControl of agricultural policymaking by the “agricultural establishment” has been challenged by a wide range of interests concerned with the externalities of modern industrialized agriculture. An “externalities/alternatives” or “ex/al” coalition appears to be an emerging force in agricultural policy debates. We surveyed three alternative agriculture groups, three conventional agriculture groups, and a statewide sample of farmers to learn whether each category forms a distinct, unified interest group whose perspectives on agricultural policy diverge substantially from the others'. There is considerable similarity among the alternative agriculture groups and among the conventional agriculture groups, the differences between them being much greater than the differences within each category. The statewide farmer sample is generally intermediate between the two sets of interest groups, but is closer to the conventional perspective on most issues.

Toiling in the Media Data Mines

2011 ◽  
pp. 167-189
Author(s):  
Robert Young
Keyword(s):  
Target Group ◽  
Media Management ◽  
Time And Space ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Channels ◽  
Media Data

At PHD Canada, we deal in “time and space” — a phrase used when the term “media management” draws blank stares at cocktail parties. There are thousands of people like us, in hundreds of companies like ours, responsible for managing advertising media budgets. We all go to great lengths to create crisp target group definitions for consumer brands. We determine which media channels should be employed in support of our clients’ messages — time and space channels such as TV, radio, magazines, Internet, and newspapers. We recommend when our clients should run the media weight afforded by their budgets. And finally, we recommend how the weight should be distributed throughout the country, in which cities and which regions.

The Regulation of Interest Groups and Public Benefit Organizations

2018 ◽  
pp. 123-164
Author(s):  
Nicole Bolleyer
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Public Benefit ◽  
Empirical Assessment ◽  
Legal Restrictions ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
Tax Benefits ◽  
Lobby Regulation

This chapter presents a detailed empirical assessment of cross-country variation in the regulation of interest groups and public benefit organizations in the operation stage—covering the regulation of these organizations’ constitutive functions as well as of resource access—across nineteen long-lived democracies. Regarding regulation of organizations’ constitutive functions, it covers areas such as lobby regulation, third-party regulation, and other legal restrictions on groups’ political activities. In terms of resource regulation, it covers aspects such as tax benefits for donors and organizations themselves as well as the regulation of fundraising. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the monitoring and supervision structures in charge of implementing group regulation. The analysis shows how interest groups and public benefit organizations have to operate within a complex web of legal regulation, which fundamentally affects their ability to engage in political activities and access state resources.

Which Government’s Policy Style is More Conducive to Prevention?

2020 ◽  
pp. 64-86
Author(s):  
Paul Cairney ◽  
Emily St Denny
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Prevention Policy ◽  
Consensus Democracy ◽  
Majoritarian Democracy ◽  
Policy Style ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Politics

We have demonstrated that many governments face the same ‘prevention puzzle’, caused partly by universal drivers associated with multi-centric policymaking. Further, they face contradictory pressures to share power for pragmatic reasons or centralize power to seem in control. However, what if policymakers in different political systems try to solve these dilemmas in fundamentally different ways? For example, are some systems more conducive to long-term planning and more likely to facilitate central governments trying to ‘let go’ and encourage localism? This question is often central to comparative political studies involving the UK. The UK’s Westminster model often represents the archetype of a ‘majoritarian’ democracy with a top-down policymaking style and adversarial political culture. Lijphart contrasts it with ‘consensus’ democracy characterized by coalition-building between parties and political culture built on ‘inclusiveness, bargaining and compromise’. In theory, this distinction could guide our analysis of UK and Scottish preventive policymaking, since some ‘architects of devolution’ envisaged ‘new Scottish politics’ as the antidote to ‘old Westminster’, to produce a consensus democracy with greater emphasis on pragmatic policymaking. However, their reputations are inaccurate caricatures that provide a misleading way to compare UK and Scottish prevention policy.

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