scholarly journals Policing the beats: The criminalisation of UK drill and grime music by the London Metropolitan Police

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (6) ◽  
pp. 1300-1316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lambros Fatsis

As debates on the rise of violent crime in London unfold, UK drill music is routinely accused of encouraging criminal behaviour among young Black Britons from deprived areas of the capital. Following a series of bans against drill music videos and the imposition of Criminal Behaviour Orders and gang injunctions against drill artists, discussions on the defensibility of such measures call for urgent, yet hitherto absent, sociological reflections on a topical issue. This article attempts to fill this gap, by demonstrating how UK drill and earlier Black music genres, like grime, have been criminalised and policed in ways that question the legitimacy of and reveal the discriminatory nature of policing young Black people by the London Metropolitan Police as the coercive arm of the British state. Drawing on the concept of racial neoliberalism, the policing of drill will be approached theoretically as an expression of the discriminatory politics that neoliberal economics facilitates in order to exclude those who the state deems undesirable or undeserving of its protection.

2018 ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Robert Sacré

This chapter discusses the history of African American Music. Many of the roots of black American music lie in Africa more than four hundred years ago at the start of the slave trade. It is essential to realize that the importance given to music and dance in Africa was reflected among black people in America in the songs they sang, in their dancing, and at their folk gatherings. As such, every aspect of jazz, blues, and gospel music is African to some degree. Work songs and the related prison songs are precursors of the blues. One can assume that primitive forms of pre-blues appeared around 1885, mostly in the Deep South and predominantly in the state of Mississippi. However, it was several more years before the famous AAB twelve-bar structure appeared, and when it did, one of its leading practitioners was Charley Patton.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
JACQUELINE COGDELL DJEDJE

AbstractDuring the early twentieth century, research on African American music focused primarily on spirituals and jazz. Investigations on the secular music of blacks living in rural areas were nonexistent except for the work of folklorists researching blues. Researchers and record companies avoided black fiddling because many viewed it not only as a relic of the past, but also a tradition identified with whites. In the second half of the twentieth century, rural-based musical traditions continued to be ignored because researchers tended to be music historians who relied almost exclusively on print or sound materials for analyses. Because rural black musicians who performed secular music rarely had an opportunity to record and few print data were available, sources were lacking. Thus, much of what we know about twentieth-century black secular music is based on styles created and performed by African Americans living in urban areas. And it is these styles that are often represented as the musical creations for all black people, in spite of the fact that other traditions were preferred and performed. This article explores how the (mis)representation of African American music has affected our understanding of black music generally and the development of black fiddling specifically.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001112872110053
Author(s):  
Tanya Golash-Boza ◽  
Hyunsu Oh

Research on crime and neighborhood racial composition establishes that Black neighborhoods with high levels of violent crime will experience an increase in Black residents and concentrated disadvantage—due to the constrained housing choices Black people face. Some studies on the relationship between gentrification and crime, however, show that high-crime neighborhoods can experience reinvestment as well as displacement of Black residents. In Washington, DC, we have seen both trends—concentration of poverty and segregation as well as racial turnover and reinvestment. We employ a spatial analysis using a merged data set including crime data, Census data, and American Community Survey (ACS) data to analyze the relationship between crime and neighborhood change at the Census tract level. Our findings demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between periods of neighborhood decline and ascent, between the effects of property and violent crime, and between racial change and socioeconomic change.


1998 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Turner

Because of the early development of an African American community on Central Avenue, the city of Tampa, Florida provides an excellent environment to document Black music traditions in the southeastern region of the United States. By the late nineteenth century, an urban Black working class had formed on Central Avenue. Black musicians were part of a distinct cultural community, including divergent lifestyles, which were organically linked to the rural and urban life experiences of Black people in the United States and the Caribbean.


Author(s):  
Marcus Anthony Hunter ◽  
Zandria F. Robinson

Centering the lives, music, and experiences of Tupac Shakur and his mother, Afeni Shakur, this chapter explores the migration stories of black people across the Black Map through the lens of hip hop music, the Black Panther Party, the Up South, Out South, and West South. Emphasizing the importance of cultural production and black music, the authors highlight the role of race, place, police brutality, and gender in black life and politics. Focused on the connections across space and time, this chapter demonstrates the key role black power politics, police brutality, and hip hop in the politics and migrations of black people throughout the chocolate cities.


Author(s):  
Nicole M. Jackson

This chapter critiques the representation of Black and Minority Ethnic (BAME) characters on Luther in the historical context of racism within the British police forces, particularly the Metropolitan Police Service (Met). Using social and cultural historical methodologies informed by British cultural and media studies, the chapter argues that, even though Luther has been lauded for positive representations of race, the show actually conforms to a multicultural paradigm, which has matured from the 1980s, that privileges assimilation, the tokenization of racialized ‘others’ and masks the continued marginalization of Black Britons. On 4 May 2010, Luther premiered on BBC One to mixed reviews. Anchored by Elba playing the titular John Luther, the show was a new twist on a comfortable English television standard: the detective series. In the Telegraph review of the first episode, Serena Davies praises Elba’s acting, but highlight’s Luther’s lack of originality. ‘It is formulaic… Its ‘big idea’ is that we know the killer from the start of each episode – something Columbo did for decades... His team think he’s unreliable but keep him on because of his brilliant criminal intuition (see also Wallander, Cracker, and Prime Suspect).’


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rob Waters

AbstractThis paper proposes the importance of television, the televisation of US and British race politics, and the framing of “Black Power” in this television coverage, for race politics in Britain in the late 1960s and early 1970s. British politics and culture was “re-racialized” in the postwar era, and television, for white and black Britons, became a site of racial knowledge, racial identification, and racial dislocation. The rise of television as a central medium of everyday life saw it emerge, too, as a central site for the imagination of community. As critics have long noted, the community imagined in British television programming of this era was overwhelmingly white, and black people were featured most often only as a marker of social difference or social “problems.” Many black Britons, excluded from the national “everyday” as it was constituted on television, and facing increasing institutional and interpersonal racism in daily life, found in coverage of the burgeoning black liberation movements of the United States a useable politics through which to articulate new sites of identification, community, and solidarity. For others, though, coverage of race politics in the United States could be a source of anxiety and alarm. The televisation of US race politics was central to the growth of cultures and politics of radical blackness in Britain, but it also reconstituted the politics of white racism, recasting blackness in Britain as a sign of violence and impending social disorder.


Author(s):  
Marcus Anthony Hunter ◽  
Zandria F. Robinson

Centering the life, music, and experiences of New Orleans–based bounce music artist Big Freedia, this chapter explores the migration stories of black people across the Black Map through the lens of hip hop music, bounce music, gender-nonconforming peoples, Hurricane Katrina, Down South, and the Deep South. Emphasizing the importance of cultural production and black music, the authors highlight the role of race, place, music, forced migration, gender, and sexual orientation in black life and politics. Focused on the connections across space and time, this chapter demonstrates the key role black power politics, natural disasters, sexuality, and regional sounds in the politics and migrations of black people throughout the chocolate cities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Johnson ◽  
William J. Chopik

The stereotype that Blacks are violent is pervasive in the United States. Yet little research has examined whether this stereotype is linked to violent behavior from members of different racial groups. We examined how state-level violent crime rates among White and Black Americans predicted the strength of the Black-violence stereotype using a sample of 348,111 individuals from the Project Implicit website. State-level implicit and explicit stereotypes were predicted by crime rates. States where Black people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a stronger Black-violence stereotype, whereas states where White people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a weaker Black-violence stereotype. These patterns were stronger for explicit stereotypes than implicit stereotypes. We discuss the implications of these findings for the development and maintenance of stereotypes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801879533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camille D. Burge ◽  
Gbemende Johnson

Experimental research on racial attitudes examines how Whites’ stereotypes of Black Americans shape their attitudes about the death penalty, violent crime, and other punitive measures. Marginally discussed in the race-to-crime literature are Blacks’ perceptions of retribution and justice. We fill this void by using an original survey experiment of 900 Black Americans to examine how exposure to intra- and- intergroup violent crime shapes their policy attitudes and emotional reactions to crime. We find that Black Americans are more likely to support increased prison sentences for violent crimes when the perpetrator is White and the victim is Black, and reduced sentences for “Black-on-Black” crime. Our analyses further reveal that Black people express higher levels of anger when the victim is Black and the perpetrator is White; levels of shame and anger also increase in instances of Black-on-Black crime. Given current race relations in the United States, we conclude by speculating about how these emotional reactions might shape one’s willingness to participate in the political arena.


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