Explaining crime

2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 336-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Siemens

In the turbulent years of the Weimar Republic, well-known journalists working for leading newspapers regularly covered the proceedings of the criminal court in Berlin-Moabit. In seeking sensational news as well as stories about everyday life in the metropolis, the court provided them with insights into contemporary urban problems such as unemployment, political struggle, gender-based conflict, and crimes of passion. The court and the journalistic coverage of its activities are historically important because they were a locus of legal and social conflicts intermingled with popular entertainment and mass media. This article sheds light on the engagement of the press with criminal trials in Weimar Berlin. By examining material never previously discussed, it claims that, contrary to what is generally believed today, German public opinion did not on the whole accept the idea that criminals could be categorized as a genetically inferior social class. In fact, most crime reporters — who reflected and formed public opinion — argued that the psychological problems of overstrained individuals and inferior living conditions were responsible for most crimes. Offenders were therefore considered as unfortunate ‘ordinary men’, or, more generally, as ‘victims of society’. Some journalists even claimed that crimes passionelles were the result of society’s oppression. This article goes on to argue that the extreme popularity of these reports shows that the journalists’ perspective on criminality met with the approval of contemporary readers and accorded with common views on crime. As part of the larger discourse on ‘victimization’ so important to the Weimar period, this journalistic coverage of the court can help us understand the unique role the criminal played as a central symbol of the German press and public.

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-109
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Moran

In contrast to virtually every other aspect of Napoleon's German policy, his treatment of the German press has never been subject to much scholarly controversy. For good reason: on the one occasion when Napoleon had a German publisher entirely in his hands, he had him shot—an act whose simplicity, indeed finality, does not leave much room for quibbling as to details. The execution of J. P. Palm did not reflect Napoleon's entire policy; but it may serve as a reminder that, among the ruling personalities of Europe, it was the Emperor of the French who esteemed the power of the press most highly. Napoleon had seen an aroused nation first hand, and as the leader of Europe's first postrevolutionary society he brought to the regulation of public opinion a degree of determination unknown to the Old Regime. One of his first acts as First Consul had been to suppress most of the newspapers published in France, and he soon domesticated those that remained. His aim was not to expel public opinion from the political arena, but to remove it from the hands of the public, and to make it serve him. The same purpose guided his press policy in Germany. As the young Count Metternich noted in a dispatch from Paris, the new century would be “a century of words,” and Napoleon meant his word to be the last.


1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guo-Qiang Zhang ◽  
Sidney Kraus

This content analysis of Chinese newspapers before and after the Tiananmen Square protest examines the symbolic representation of the Student Movement of 1989 in China. The study reveals that top leaders manipulated symbols given to the media and that these symbols rigorously highlighted the dominant ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and isolated the movement participants. Officials attempted to legitimize the military suppression of the movement. The press construction of public opinion echoed the hegemonic process created and maintained by the party structure.


1899 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 372-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. S. Yarros
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Richard D. Brown

Though Americans have favored the idea of equal rights and equal opportunity, they recognize that differences in wealth and social advantage, like differences in ability and appearance, influence the realization, or not, of equal rights, including equality before the law. In the generations after 1776 the rights of creditors, for example, often overrode the rights of debtors. And criminal trials demonstrate that in courtrooms equal treatment was most often achieved when defendant and victim came from the same social class. Otherwise if they came from different classes social realities, including ethnicity, color, and gender could shape court officials and public opinion. And when a woman’s sexual virtue was compromised, her credibility was almost always discounted. In principle officials paid homage to the ideal of equality before the law, but in practice unequal rights often prevailed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alina Balta ◽  
Manon Bax ◽  
Rianne Letschert

Twenty years ago, the International Criminal Court (hereinafter ICC or the Court) was established holding the aim of placing victims at the heart of international criminal justice proceedings and delivering justice to them through, among others, reparations. Article 75 of the Rome Statute lays out the reparations regime, and, in practice, court-ordered reparations are a means of delivering such justice. Focusing on Court decisions on reparations, our analysis takes stock of all developments before the ICC and attempts to highlight the mismatch between characteristics inherent to the objectives of international criminal trials such as providing accountability and punishment of the accused and delivering justice for victims of mass crimes—the so-called procedural challenges. We also submit that the Court is facing conceptual challenges, related to an apparent misunderstanding of the various concepts at stake: reparations as such and the various modalities and channels of enforcing them. We conclude that although the ICC’s reparation regime may not be the best reparative response to provide justice to victims in conflict situations affected by mass victimization, we suggest that improving the ICC’s approach includes, at a minimum, tackling these challenges.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 926-943
Author(s):  
Luiz Alberto De Farias ◽  
Sergio Andreucci

O artigo descreve os rituais e as estratégias de relações públicas utilizadas pelas assessorias de comunicação de empresas e organizações dos diversos segmentos, atuantes no mercado nacional, realizadas por meio de ações, programas e planos estruturados de gestão de crises.  Analisa ainda as vulnerabilidades da identidade, imagem e reputação organizacionais, os processos narrativos, as táticas aplicadas, a preparação dos porta-vozes, a função dos comitês de crises, a efetividade na intermediação das relações entre as organizações e a imprensa e as suas interfaces com a opinião pública.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: relações públicas; crise; comunicação; opinião pública; reputação.     ABSTRACT The article describes the rituals and strategies of public relations used by the communication advisors of companies and organizations of the various segments, operating in the national market, through actions, programs and structured plans of crisis management. It also analyzes the vulnerabilities of organizational identity, image and reputation, narrative processes, tactics applied, preparation of spokespersons, the role of crisis committees, effectiveness in mediating relations between organizations and the press and their interfaces with public opinion.   KEYWORDS: public relations; crisis; Communication; public opinion; reputation.     RESUMEN El artículo describe los rituales y las estrategias de relaciones públicas utilizadas por las asesorías de comunicación de empresas y organizaciones de los diversos segmentos, actuantes en el mercado nacional, realizadas a través de acciones, programas y planes estructurados de gestión de crisis. Se analizan las vulnerabilidades de la identidad, imagen y reputación organizativas, los procesos narrativos, las tácticas aplicadas, la preparación de los portavoces, la función de los comités de crisis, la efectividad en la intermediación de las relaciones entre las organizaciones y la prensa y sus interfaces con la opinión pública.   PALABRAS CLAVE: relaciones públicas; crisis; la comunicación; opinión pública; reputación.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-25
Author(s):  
E. A. Zimina

Te article is focused on the most effective lexical ways that serve to create evaluation in the news and comments of the electronic German press. Pragmatic adequacy, which is determined by the interaction of the evaluation component and content, specifes the requirement for the effectiveness and efciency of communication between the recipient and the target audience. Te article describes the examples of metaphors expressing implicit evaluation in the texts of publicistic discourse. Conceptual metaphor is effectively used in newspapers with pragmatic purposes, aiming at transforming the worldview of the addressee. Vivid images created by evaluative metaphors exert a psychological affect on the mind; impose a distorted idea of reality, not coinciding with the one of the recipient, which ultimately leads to the information perceived at a desired angle. Te article analyzes the metaphorical meanings of military, medical and theatrical terms, emphasizes their ability to express the implicit evaluative judgments of the addressee and influence public opinion. Successful political metaphor has argumentative and heuristic potential; it forms the attitude to reality in question.


2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (6) ◽  
pp. 779-795 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Crenshaw ◽  
Lori Stella ◽  
Ellen O’Neill-Stephens ◽  
Celeste Walsen

Courtrooms in the United States whether family court or criminal court fall far short of being either developmentally or trauma sensitive. While there is growing recognition that vulnerable child witnesses are at risk of retraumatization by court procedures and some judges have used their discretionary powers to render courtrooms less toxic to children, the system was designed by adults for adults, and certainly not for children. The court process especially in criminal trials does not typically take into account the developmental constraints of children nor do they fully understand trauma in children and the risks to testifying child witnesses. Humanistic psychology has long stood for social justice and compassion toward our most vulnerable humans, especially children, but the long and slow-to-change traditions of the court system in the United States creates an environment that is inhospitable to children and even older victims as illustrated by the low rate of prosecutions in rape cases. This article outlines the distressing conditions that await child victims/witnesses in this country in comparison with other developed countries and an innovative, out-of-the box solution that does not interfere with the rights of the accused.


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