Social Movements in Chile (1983–2013): Four Theoretical and Historical Moments

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-113
Author(s):  
Mónica Iglesias Vázquez

During the 1980s, the study of social movements became a central element of Chilean social thought. In the context of the struggle against the dictatorship, the forms of organization and protest deployed by the popular sectors attracted the attention of academics and politicians in an attempt to determine their nature and democratizing potential. Hegemonic sociology concluded that social movements did not exist in Chile and that social mobilizations had to be subordinate to the strategy of political parties, thereby bestowing a “scientific” status on the social-political divide. In the 1990s, with the end of the dictatorship, those sociologists abandoned the study of social movements. Only social history persisted in the understanding of the formation of popular subjectivities, contributing tools for characterizing the popular realm and the most recent outbreaks of protest and mobilization. El estudio de los movimientos sociales se constituyó como un eje central del pensamiento social chileno en la década de los ochenta. En el contexto de la lucha contra la dictadura, las formas de organización y de protesta desplegadas por los sectores populares concitaron la atención de académicos y políticos, en aras de establecer su carácter y potencialidad democratizadora. La sociología hegemónica concluyó que no existían movimientos sociales en Chile, y que las movilizaciones sociales debían subordinarse a la estrategia de los partidos políticos, dotando de “cientificidad” la escisión entre lo social y lo político. En los noventa, con el fin de la dictadura, aquellos sociólogos abandonaron el estudio de los movimientos sociales. Sólo la historia social perseveró en la comprensión de la constitución de las subjetividades populares, aportando herramientas para la caracterización del mundo popular y de los más recientes estallidos de protesta y movilización.

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 264-276
Author(s):  
María Virginia Quiroga

The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”.  On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy.  In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo.  Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”.  Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad.  En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (16) ◽  
pp. 157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karla Díaz Martínez

El ALBA es un espacio de integración regional, alternativo al alca propuesto por EEUU, que inaugura una etapa denominada regionalismo posneoliberal. El ALBA desde sus orígenes ha contado con el acompañamiento de movimientos sociales de carácter antiimperialista y antineoliberal. La propia organización generó una instancia social: el Consejo de Movimientos Sociales; sin embargo, los movimientos sociales han generado de forma paralela y autónoma la Articulación de Movimientos Sociales hacia el ALBA. Este trabajo da cuenta de las características de este espacio de articulación social, a partir de propuestas teóricas pensadas en América Latina, y presenta un balance de las potencialidades y los desafíos de los movimientos sociales en el escenario latinoamericano y su influencia en la integración regional.   SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION: THE ARTICULATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS TOWARD ALBAABSTRACTALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our Americas) is a regional integration entity created as an alternative to the US-proposed FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas, ALCA in Spanish). ALBA inaugurates a period that has been referred to as post-neoliberal regionalism. Since its origin, ALBA has been accompanied by social movements with an anti-imperialistic and anti-neoliberal stance. ALBA, itself, generated a social entity: the Social Movements Council. However, in a parallel and autonomous way, the social movements created the Articulation of Social Movements toward ALBA. This article describes the characteristics of this entity for social articulation based on theoretical proposals developed in Latin America, and presents a balance of the potentialities and challenges of social movements in Latin America and their incidence in regional integration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 255-263
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Varacalli ◽  

This Comment concerns itself with the relationship between the social policies of U.S. President Donald J. Trump and, respectively, American civilization and Catholic social thought. Also included are discussions of two recent American populist social movements, the Tea Party and that one generated by a commitment to the Trump Presidency, insofar as the latter relates to the primary focus of this Comment.


2017 ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Simón Ramírez

<p><strong>Resumen </strong></p><p>A partir del ciclo de movilizaciones iniciado los años 2010-2011 se comienza a hablar de una crítica al modelo neoliberal instalado en el país durante la dictadura y vigente hasta nuestros días. Se planteará que el neoliberalismo puede ser caracterizado en dos ejes estructurantes, el de la acumulación -acumulación por desposesión- y el de su gubernamentalidad –caracterizada principalmente por dispositivos asociados a la separación de lo político y lo social y la enajenación de la agencia política del pueblo-. Observando estas dimensiones teóricas del neoliberalismo en el modelo neoliberal chileno, se argumentará que el ciclo de movilizaciones mencionado, expresará la emergencia -aun no acabada- de un movimiento de confrontación estructural a ese modelo.  La clave de esta lectura reside en la convergencia de las demandas de los diferentes movimientos sociales en los “Derechos Sociales”. Conceptualmente, pero también en lo que han sido las demandas concretas de estos, la idea de derechos sociales se opondrá al modelo en los dos niveles planteados anteriormente, al exigir una distribución diferente de los recursos -nivel de la acumulación- y la administración democrática de los mismos -nivel de las técnicas de gobierno.  Así, el conflicto actual daría cuenta del choque de dos racionalidades antagónicas, la neoliberal (que sería una lógica de la acumulación ilimitada, o de la desposesión continua) y la de los Derechos Sociales (que sería una lógica de lo común). <strong></strong></p><p><strong>Palabras claves: </strong>Neoliberalismo, Acumulación, Gubernamentalidad, Derechos Sociales</p><p align="center"><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p align="center"><strong><em>Social Rights as a critique of the neoliberal model: emerging antagonism in Chile</em></strong></p><p align="center"><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p>Since years 2010-2011 when the current cycle of mobilization started, it begins a wave of critique to the Chilean neoliberal model. In this paper it will be argued that, theoretically, the neoliberalism could be characterized in two structuring axes: the model of accumulation -accumulation by dispossession- and its governmentality. Observing these two theoretical dimensions of neoliberalism in the “Chilean model”, it will be sustained that the mentioned cycle of mobilization would be an expression of the -not realized yet- emergency of a movement that would confront the model structurally. The key of this argument is in the concept of “Social Right”, that became the central demand of the different social movements. This concept will be central because it is going to oppose to the neoliberal model in its two structuring dimensions, since it implies a different distribution of the resources -level of accumulation- and a democratic administration of them -level of the governmentality. Thus, the current conflict would be rendering account of the clashing of two antagonistic rationalities -in foucaultian sense-, the neoliberal one (that would be a logic of unlimited accumulation) and the Social Rights one (that would be a logic of the common)</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Neoliberalism, Accumulation, Governmentality, Social Rights</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 228
Author(s):  
Sabrina Zientarski de Bragança ◽  
Clarice Zientarski

O artigo trata das relações presentes entre os movimentos sociais autogestionários realizados pelos professores e os movimentos sociais dos trabalhadores de outras áreas profissionais. Estabelece como período histórico o final da década de 1970, década de 1980 e início dos anos 1990 no Brasil, tendo como enfoque especial o Estado Rio Grande do Sul. Objetiva trazer elementos que permitam compreender as relações entre os movimentos sociais dos trabalhadores de diferentes categorias. Utiliza como opção metodológica a pesquisa qualitativa e, como sujeitos professores que participaram dos movimentos sociais no período em estudo. Conclui que os professores aprenderam com trabalhadores de outras categorias (metalúrgicos, servidores públicos e trabalhadores do campo) e ensinaram com suas experiências e movimentos. Palavras-chave: Autogestão. Movimentos sociais. Aprendizagens.ABSTRACTThe article deals with the present relations between the self-managed social movements made by the teachers and the social movements of workers in other professional areas. Establishes as a historical period the late 1980s and early 1990s in Brazil, with the special focus the state of Rio Grande do Sul. It aims at bringing evidence to understand the relationship between social movements of workers of different categories. Uses as a methodological option qualitative research and as subject were teachers who participated in social movements during the study period. Concludes that teachers learned from workers in other categories (metallurgical, civil servants and workers in the field ) and taught from their experiences and movements.Keywords: Self-management. Social Movements of Workers. Learning.RESUMENEl artículo trata de las relaciones presentes entre los movimientos sociales autogestionarios realizados por los maestros y los movimientos sociales de los trabajadores de otras áreas profesionales. Establece como período histórico el final de la década de 1970, 1980 y principios de los  años 1990 en Brasil, teniendo como enfoque especial el Estado Rio Grande do Sul. Pretende traer elementos que permitan comprender la relación entre los movimientos sociales de los trabajadores de las diferentes categorías. Utiliza como  opción metodológica la investigación cualitativa y, como sujetos profesores que participaron de los movimientos sociales durante el período de estudio. Concluye que los maestros aprendieron con trabajadores de otras categorías (metalurgicos, funcionarios públicos y los trabajadores del campo ) y enseñaron com sus experiencias y movimientos.Palabras clave: Autogestión. Mmovimientos sociales. Aprendizaje. 


Revista Trace ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Genner de Jesús Llanes Ortiz

En el presente artículo sugiero que si bien la “interculturalidad” se ha convertido en un término de moda entre los movimientos sociales y las instituciones gubernamentales, su contenido real es sujeto de constantes disputas y negociaciones debido a su propia naturaleza transformativa y cuestionadora. La reflexión se basa en el fallido intento de creación de una universidad intercultural en el estado de Yucatán. Con información recopilada de fuentes diversas (entrevistas, observación participante y notas periodísticas) se presenta aquí un ejercicio de análisis de la compleja interfaz entre los distintos actores sociales, sus definiciones propias acerca de la interculturalidad y los contextos históricos y políticos desde los que actúan. Una de las ideas principales que se proponen es que para evaluar la interculturalización de este tipo de proyectos se debe prestar atención tanto al proceso de construcción y negociación de éste como a su resultado.Abstract: In the present work I would like to advance the idea that while “interculturality” has become a buzzword within the social movements and governmental fields, its actual boundaries are constantly contested given its transformative and questioning nature. This reflection draws on the failed attempt at creating the Intercultural University of Yucatan. With information collected from different sources (interviews, participant observation and events reported on newspapers) I undertake the analysis of the complex interface between different social actors, their own ideas about interculturality and the historical and political contexts where their actions take place. My contention in this paper is that, in order to assess interculturalization of specific projects, attention should be equally paid to both the process of construction and negotiation and to the final outcomes of those projects.Résumé : Dans cet article, j’avance que, bien que « interculturalité » soit devenu un terme à la mode au sein des mouvements sociaux et des institutions gouvernementales, son contenu réel est cependant l’objet de nombreuses disputes et négociations, ceci à cause de sa nature transformative et interrogatrice. Le point de départ de cet exposé est la tentative manquée de création d’une université interculturelle dans l’état de Yucatán. Grâce à l’information obtenue de différentes sources (entrevues, observation participante et notes journalistiques), est présenté ici un exercice d’analyse de l’interface complexe entre les différents acteurs sociaux, leurs propres définitions au sujet de l’interculturalité et les contextes historiques et politiques d’où ils tirent leur origine. Une des idées principales proposées ici est que, pour évaluer l’interculturalisation de ces types de projets, il est indispensable de prêter attention autant à leur processus d’élaboration et de négociation qu’au résultat même.


Author(s):  
Felipe Reyes Escutia

Este artículo parte del reconocimiento de la crisis ambiental y de humanidad a escala planetaria y derivadas de la modernidad. Aquí se corporizan la educación y los movimientos sociales como agentes de transformación. Pero no sólo ellos, también se visibiliza esa potencia transformadora en otros cuerpos: en una ciencia descolonizada, humanista e intercultural, en sistemas tecnológicos con la vida como centro y fin, en una ética que humanice en la dignidad y la solidaridad a las naciones, en una estética de la identidad intercultural en la poesía de vivir. La utopía -raíz, energía y sentido de la movilidad social- que se descubre en este documento es ser Humanidad en comunidad con la Tierra, en imaginar y construir identidad y autonomía cada nación y pueblo con y desde sus territorios y en cultivar una conciencia planetaria, amorosamente. Aquí se inscribe la Educación sin adjetivos, aquí hermanan los movimientos sociales, se descubren comunidad. Este artigo parte do reconhecimento da crise ambiental e da humanidade a escala planetária e derivadas da modernidade. Aqui se corporizam a educação e os movimentos sociais como agentes de transformação. Mas não só eles, também se visibiliza essa potência transformadora em outros corpos: em uma ciência descolonizada, humanista e intercultural, em sistemas tecnológicos com a vida como centro e fim, em uma ética que humanize na dignidade e a solidariedade para as nações, em uma estética da identidade intercultural na poesia do viver. A utopia – raiz, energia e sentido de mobilidade social – que se descobre neste documento é ser Humanidade em comunidade com a Terra, em imaginar e construir identidade e autonomia cada nação e povo com e a partir dos seus territórios e em cultivar uma consciência planetária, amorosamente. Aqui se inscreve a Educação sem adjetivos, aqui se vinculam os movimentos sociais, se descobrem comunidade. This article starts from the recognition of the environmental and humanity crisis on a planetary scale and derived from modernity. Here education and social movements are embodied as agents of transformation. But not only them, that transforming power is also visible in other bodies: in a decolonized, humanistic and intercultural science, in technological systems with life as a center and an end, in an ethic that humanizes dignity and solidarity for nations, in an aesthetic of intercultural identity in the poetry of living. The utopia - root, energy and sense of social mobility - that is discovered in this document is to be Humanity in community with the Earth, to imagine and build identity and autonomy every nation and people with and from its territories and to cultivate a planetary consciousness lovingly Here education is inscribed without adjectives, here the social movements come together, community is discovered.


Author(s):  
Amit Ahuja

In India, a young democratic system has undermined the legitimacy of a two-thousand-year-old social system that excluded and humiliated an entire people by treating them as untouchables. This incomplete, but irreversible change in Indian society and politics has been authored by the mobilization of some of the most marginalized citizens in the world and counts as one of the most significant achievements of Indian democracy. Dalits, the former untouchables in India, who number over 200 million, have been mobilized by social movements and political parties, but their mobilization is puzzling. Dalits’ parties perform poorly in elections in states historically home to movements demanding social equality while they do well in other states where such movements have been weak or entirely absent. For Dalits, collective action in the social sphere appears to undermine rather than bolster collective action in the electoral sphere. Mobilizing the Marginalized shows how social movements by marginalized ethnic groups—those who are stigmatized by others and disproportionately poor—undermine bloc voting to generate competition for marginalized citizens’ votes across political parties. The book presents evidence showing that a marginalized group gains more from participating in a social movement and dividing support among parties than from voting en bloc for an ethnic party.


Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-29
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet

The relationships between the political parties (Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals) and the social movements that emerged in the last part of the previous century has been described as a pillarized form of intermediation. The political parties were built on the major cleavages that divided the Belgium society and the links between each organisational network (pillar) and the political party were exclusive, stable, and formal (or structural) . In the so-called new social movements, the links with the political parties are specific, unstable, and informal. A vast and stable support for each network party by the majority of the members of the social organisations that belang to each network (or 'world') is one of the conditions for an adequate functioning of the model of pillarized intermediation. Is that condition still met in Flanders after the General Elections ofNovember 24, 1991 ?This study, based on a sample of 2,691 Flemish voters, shows strong differences in 'faithful' and stable voting behaviour according to the generation and the kind of involvement in the social organisations (trade unions, health insurance organisations, and Christian Labour Movement).  Among the generations that were born after 1945, the proportion of electoral 'movers' is larger than the proportion ofvoters that remain faithful to their network party. In the generations born before 1945, stable and faithful voting behaviour is still dominant in the three traditional political families. The more involvement in the Christian Labour Movement, the higher the degree of stable voting behaviour in favour of the Christian Democratie Party. A logistic regression analysis with church involvement, age category, urban environment, and several organizational variabels shows thatmembership of social organisations still has a substantial effect on stable voting behaviour. The future of the pillarized model of intermediation is discussed in view of these results.


Author(s):  
Sergio Vargas Velázquez ◽  
Emmanuel López Chávez

El pueblo de Tepoztlán enfrenta distintos disyuntivas en la defensa de su territorio, en sus formas de organización social y en la autonomía de su organización comunitaria, frente a sucesivos proyectos de infraestructura y urbanización. Los movimientos sociales surgidos de la localidad son presentados como ejemplo de resistencia y lucha desde la organización local. Sin embargo, una parte de sus pobladores han asumido como parte de su economía la venta de terrenos, principalmente para la construcción de viviendas, así como también para la expansión de servicios al turismo y la gentrificación. Con base en el análisis de las actas de las asambleas comunitarias de 2015, en las que se ratifican los acuerdos de compra-venta de terrenos, se confirma su legitimidad al interior de la comunidad en tanto se adscriban a su marco normativo local: los denominados usos y costumbre. Concluimos que la defensa de su territorio y la venta de terrenos son compatibles en tanto el poder local así lo determine, y esto les permita equilibrar sus relaciones con el entorno socioeconómico.AbstractTepoztlan village faces different dilemmas in the defense of its territory, the forms of social organization and autonomy in its community organization, in front of successive infrastructure and urbanization projects. The social movements that have emerged from the locality have been exposed as examples of resistance and struggle from community organization. However, their inhabitants have assumed the sale of parcels, principally to housing use, as well as the expansion of services to tourism and gentrification as part of their economy. Based on the analysis of the records of the community assemblies of 2015, in which they ratify the land purchase and sale agreements, its legitimacy within the community is confirmed, as long as it adheres to its local normative framework: known as usos y costumbres. We conclude that the community management of its territory and the sale of land are compatible as long as the local powe


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