scholarly journals Somos nosotros, somos gobierno. Experiencia de movimientos sociales en Bolivia

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 264-276
Author(s):  
María Virginia Quiroga
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The One ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”.  On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy.  In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo.  Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”.  Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad.  En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.

Het lidmaatschap van sociale organisaties en trouw stemgedrag

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-29
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Substantial Effect ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Age Category

The relationships between the political parties (Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals) and the social movements that emerged in the last part of the previous century has been described as a pillarized form of intermediation. The political parties were built on the major cleavages that divided the Belgium society and the links between each organisational network (pillar) and the political party were exclusive, stable, and formal (or structural) . In the so-called new social movements, the links with the political parties are specific, unstable, and informal. A vast and stable support for each network party by the majority of the members of the social organisations that belang to each network (or 'world') is one of the conditions for an adequate functioning of the model of pillarized intermediation. Is that condition still met in Flanders after the General Elections ofNovember 24, 1991 ?This study, based on a sample of 2,691 Flemish voters, shows strong differences in 'faithful' and stable voting behaviour according to the generation and the kind of involvement in the social organisations (trade unions, health insurance organisations, and Christian Labour Movement).  Among the generations that were born after 1945, the proportion of electoral 'movers' is larger than the proportion ofvoters that remain faithful to their network party. In the generations born before 1945, stable and faithful voting behaviour is still dominant in the three traditional political families. The more involvement in the Christian Labour Movement, the higher the degree of stable voting behaviour in favour of the Christian Democratie Party. A logistic regression analysis with church involvement, age category, urban environment, and several organizational variabels shows thatmembership of social organisations still has a substantial effect on stable voting behaviour. The future of the pillarized model of intermediation is discussed in view of these results.

Social Movements in Chile (1983–2013): Four Theoretical and Historical Moments

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-113
Author(s):  
Mónica Iglesias Vázquez
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social History ◽  
Central Element ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
The Social ◽  
Scientific Status ◽  
Political Divide ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

During the 1980s, the study of social movements became a central element of Chilean social thought. In the context of the struggle against the dictatorship, the forms of organization and protest deployed by the popular sectors attracted the attention of academics and politicians in an attempt to determine their nature and democratizing potential. Hegemonic sociology concluded that social movements did not exist in Chile and that social mobilizations had to be subordinate to the strategy of political parties, thereby bestowing a “scientific” status on the social-political divide. In the 1990s, with the end of the dictatorship, those sociologists abandoned the study of social movements. Only social history persisted in the understanding of the formation of popular subjectivities, contributing tools for characterizing the popular realm and the most recent outbreaks of protest and mobilization. El estudio de los movimientos sociales se constituyó como un eje central del pensamiento social chileno en la década de los ochenta. En el contexto de la lucha contra la dictadura, las formas de organización y de protesta desplegadas por los sectores populares concitaron la atención de académicos y políticos, en aras de establecer su carácter y potencialidad democratizadora. La sociología hegemónica concluyó que no existían movimientos sociales en Chile, y que las movilizaciones sociales debían subordinarse a la estrategia de los partidos políticos, dotando de “cientificidad” la escisión entre lo social y lo político. En los noventa, con el fin de la dictadura, aquellos sociólogos abandonaron el estudio de los movimientos sociales. Sólo la historia social perseveró en la comprensión de la constitución de las subjetividades populares, aportando herramientas para la caracterización del mundo popular y de los más recientes estallidos de protesta y movilización.

scholarly journals MOVIMIENTOS SOCIALES E INTEGRACIÓN REGIONAL: EL CASO DE LA ARTICULACIÓN DE MOVIMIENTOS SOCIALES HACIA EL ALBA

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (16) ◽  
pp. 157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karla Díaz Martínez
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Entity ◽  
The Us ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

El ALBA es un espacio de integración regional, alternativo al alca propuesto por EEUU, que inaugura una etapa denominada regionalismo posneoliberal. El ALBA desde sus orígenes ha contado con el acompañamiento de movimientos sociales de carácter antiimperialista y antineoliberal. La propia organización generó una instancia social: el Consejo de Movimientos Sociales; sin embargo, los movimientos sociales han generado de forma paralela y autónoma la Articulación de Movimientos Sociales hacia el ALBA. Este trabajo da cuenta de las características de este espacio de articulación social, a partir de propuestas teóricas pensadas en América Latina, y presenta un balance de las potencialidades y los desafíos de los movimientos sociales en el escenario latinoamericano y su influencia en la integración regional.   SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION: THE ARTICULATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS TOWARD ALBAABSTRACTALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our Americas) is a regional integration entity created as an alternative to the US-proposed FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas, ALCA in Spanish). ALBA inaugurates a period that has been referred to as post-neoliberal regionalism. Since its origin, ALBA has been accompanied by social movements with an anti-imperialistic and anti-neoliberal stance. ALBA, itself, generated a social entity: the Social Movements Council. However, in a parallel and autonomous way, the social movements created the Articulation of Social Movements toward ALBA. This article describes the characteristics of this entity for social articulation based on theoretical proposals developed in Latin America, and presents a balance of the potentialities and challenges of social movements in Latin America and their incidence in regional integration.

scholarly journals La transparencia de los partidos políticos como estrategia electoral. Una evaluación de sus promesas y sus páginas web

Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
María Díez Garrido ◽  
Eva Campos Domínguez ◽  
Dafne Calvo
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Web Sites ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Insight Into

El escenario digital ha impulsado pro­fundos cambios en el entorno político, entre los que se puede distinguir el im­pulso de la transparencia informativa. La transparencia se ha convertido en uno de los valores democráticos que los políticos quieren demostrar de cara a la ciudadanía, ya que es un signo de le­gitimidad, evolución y lucha contra la corrupción. Los partidos políticos han introducido la transparencia en sus dis­cursos y argumentarios. Precisamente las formaciones tienen una reputación baja en cuanto a apertura informativa. Este artículo pretende estudiar la intro­ducción de la transparencia en el dis­curso electoral de los partidos políticos. Para ello, se estudia la presencia de la transparencia en los programas elec­torales de las principales formaciones políticas españolas durante las últimas Elecciones Generales (2015 y 2016). A continuación, se realiza un análisis de contenido de sus páginas web, que pretende conocer su nivel de apertura informativa. Esta metodología nos per­mite descubrir si lo que promocionan las formaciones en los programas se relaciona con el desarrollo en sus pá­ginas web. Los resultados muestran las diferencias entre los nuevos partidos y los tradicionales, así como la evolución entre unos comicios y los siguientes.   Political Parties’ Transparency As an Electoral Strategy. An Evaluation of Their Promises and Their Websites The digital scenario has produced pro­found changes in the political environ­ment, and transparency is part of this transformation. Transparency has become one of the most valued aspirations that politicians want to demonstrate to the public, as it is a sign of legitimacy, evolution, and the fight against corrup­tion. Political parties have introduced transparency in their speeches and ar­guments. At the same time, political for­mations have a low reputation in terms of informative openness. This article aims to study the introduction of trans­parency in the political parties’ electoral discourse. To this end, we explore the presence of transparency in the electo­ral programs of the main Spanish poli­tical parties during the last two General Elections (2015 and 2016). Next, we carry out a content analysis of their web sites, which aims to gain deeper insight into their level of informative openness. This methodology allows us to determine if Spanish political parties promote in their programs the same ob­jectives that they put forward on their web sites. The results also show the di­fferences between the new parties and the traditional ones, as well as their evolution between the General Elections in 2015 and 2016.

scholarly journals ENTRE O PÚBLICO E O PRIVADO: O PAPEL DA MULHER NOS MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS E A CONQUISTA DE DIREITOS NO DECORRER DA HISTÓRIA * BETWEEN PUBLIC AND PRIVATE: THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE CONQUEST OF RIGHTS IN THE COURSE OF HISTORY

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Elizabete David Novaes
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Modern Science ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
Active Subject ◽  
The Social

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo busca evidenciar o papel social das mulheres nos movimentos sociais promovidos no decorrer da história. Para cumprir com tal propósito, discute o caráter patriarcal da ciência cartesiana; apresenta uma reflexão acerca da articulação entre o público e privado; elabora uma revisão teórica acerca da historiografia da mulher, ressaltando a ação da mulher em diferentes momentos da história, buscando evidenciá-la como sujeito ativo, capaz de integrar o público e o privado, participando da conquista de direitos. Para enfatizar as articulações existentes entre as dimensões pública e privada, este artigo defende que historicamente a mulher politiza vias não políticas do cotidiano, atuando em movimentos sociais promotores de reivindicações e manifestações sociais, de modo a superar limites ideologicamente traçados pelo viés patriarcal da ciência moderna, de base cartesiana, atuando na luta por direitos e participação política na história.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> gênero; historiografia; público e privado; movimentos sociais; direitos.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper describes evidences of the social role of the women inside different social movements occurred during our history. It began with a discussion the patriarchal character of Cartesian science, presents reflections about the public and private articulation, a theoretical review of the women´s historiography, emphasizing their action at different times in history and trying to emphazise them as active subject which is capable to integrate the public and private, participating of the conquer their rights. To emphasize all the previous articulations between the public and private dimensions, this manuscript argues that historically women politicize daily non-political pathways. Their actuations in social movements promote the demands and social manifestations in order to ideologically overcome the limitations set by the the patriarchal bias of modern science, acting in the the fight (ou struggle) for rights and political participation in history.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> gender, historiography, public and private; social movement; rights.</p>

scholarly journals Fungsi Partai Politik dalam Pendidikan Politik Masyarakat

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-169
Author(s):  
I Gede Wijaya Kusuma ◽  
Ida Ayu Putu Widiati ◽  
Luh Putu Suryani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Political Education ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Low Levels

One of the functions of political parties in legislation is as a means of political education and socialization. Political parties are obliged to disseminate their political discourse to the public. However, in its implementation in the field, there are still political parties that have not maximized their function in providing political education to the public. This study discusses (1) What is the function of political parties in providing public political education and its influence on public participation in general elections? (2) What are the implications of political parties that do not implement public political education? This research was conducted by using normative legal research methods, primary and secondary sources of legal materials, methods of collecting legal materials using statute records and others, and analyzing legal materials using descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that according to Law No.2 of 2011, one of the functions of political parties is to provide political education as a means of education for the wider community to become Indonesian citizens who are aware of their rights and obligations in public. The importance of political education carried out by political parties to the maximum and in its actual essence will be able to have a very good impact on society, which means that people are able to become people who are aware of their obligations in giving choices to political parties or candidates who are true and sincere in terms of welfare. people. The implication of political parties that do not carry out public political education is to cause a decrease in public participation in general elections and this will also lead to apparently unhealthy political conditions and allow high abstention due to low levels of public participation.

scholarly journals The Educational Social Practices and their metaphors. Approaches to a reconstruction of meanings from critical perspectives

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-130
Author(s):  
Néstor Horacio Cecchi ◽  
◽  
Fabricio Oyarbide ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Public Universities ◽  
Public University ◽  
Social Practices ◽  
Social Commitment ◽  
The Public ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Meanings

For those of us who have been going through the public university for decades, a clear tendency in most of our institutions to rethink their senses, their missions, their functions, in sum: their must be. In these times and these contexts in which deep inequalities are made visible with absolute clarity, these tendencies to construct new meanings acquire a particular relevance. We understand that public universities in the exercise of their autonomy and as members of the State, must assume a leading role with a contribution that contributes to guaranteeing rights, in particular, of the subalternized sectors. This critical positioning is inescapable to consolidate the social commitment of our higher education institutios. This compelling transformative intention has a valuable background. In this sense, we warn that both in Argentina and in some of the countries of the Region, tendencies to consolidate, systematize, institutionalize processes of emancipatory articulation in their relations with the territory, organizations and social movements have been reproduced for some years, many of them, through curricularization processes in its different meanings. These experiences, dissimilar by the way, find the need to settle, to institutionalize themselves through various conformations that in some cases converge in Educational Social Practices or similar names, with different, unique formats, but with different meanings as well. That is why we propose to display, analyze, make visible some of the salient characteristics of these processes, the regulations, their singularities, similarities, the multiplicity of their feelings, in sum, their metaphors.

Refiguring the Language of Race

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katja Garloff
Keyword(s):  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Awareness ◽  
Love Stories ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Final Verdict ◽  
German Jewish ◽  
The One

This chapter jumps to the turn of the century, when the rise of racial antisemitism fostered a new Jewish self-awareness and rendered “interracial” love and marriage central to the public debates about German Jewish identity. It analyzes three German Jewish writers of different and paradigmatic political orientations, who used love stories to diagnose the reasons for the faltering of emancipation: the assimilationist Ludwig Jacobowski, the Zionist Max Nordau, and the mainstream liberal Georg Hermann. Their works, including Jacobowski's Werther the Jew (1892), Nordau's Doctor Kohn (1899), and Hermann's Jettchen Gebert (1906), show how love stories potentially escape the ideological constraints of increasingly racialized models of identity. On the one hand, the love plot affords an opportunity to expose the obstacles encountered by Jews seeking integration in times of rising antisemitism. On the other hand, the open endings of most love stories and the ambiguous use of racial language allow the authors to eschew a final verdict on the success or failure of integration. The chapter argues that the love plot generates a host of equivocations between the social and the biological, and the particular and the universal, creating a metaphorical surplus that opens up venues to rethink the project of Jewish emancipation and assimilation.

From Europe as a model to Europe as austerity

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermes Augusto Costa
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Controversial Issues ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Social Europe

Twenty five years after Portuguese EU accession, the labour market in general and the trade unions in particular are faced with severely regressive social measures that undermine past expectations of progress towards the achievement of the Social Europe project in Portugal. Thus, on the one hand, this article identifies some of the ambitions and possibilities earlier opened up for the Portuguese labour market, as well as trade union attitudes to European integration. It is argued, on the other hand, that, in the context of the economic crisis and the austerity measures to which Portugal is subjected, the sense of Portugal’s backwardness in relation to the ‘European project’ has become more acute. The article accordingly focuses on and examines some of the austerity measures and certain controversial issues associated with them. In a final section, the impact of austerity on labour relations and the reactions of social partners, in particular the trade unions, are analysed.

Legitimising the care market: the social recognition of migrant care workers in Italy

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA CORDINI ◽  
COSTANZO RANCI
Keyword(s):  
Care Quality ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Public Provision ◽  
Private Care ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Regulation ◽  
Employment Conditions ◽  
Care Workers ◽  
The Social

AbstractThe sizeable presence of migrant care workers in the private care market in many European countries is confirmed by several studies that have explained the phenomenon through functional arguments, stressing the economic convenience of transnational markets and the crucial role played by public regulation. This paper focuses instead on the public and institutional discourses that have contributed to legitimising this private care market, characterised by the worsening of employment conditions and the decrease in care quality. The main argument of this paper is that the social recognition of these workers provides the public with the new concepts and rationales that determine the actual shape of the private care market.Migrant care workers are usually, compared to other migrant workers, more welcome in the host society and less targeted by xenophobic attitudes, especially where their labour helps to meet a lack of public provision as is happening in Southern European countries. Nevertheless, their rights are not fully granted either as citizens or as workers: basic requirements in this migrant care market include for instance reduced wages, great flexibility, and informal contracts.Our hypothesis is tested through the reconstruction of the public regulation and a content analysis of the public discourse that has accompanied this regulation for ten years (2002–2012) in Italy. The two main national newspapers have been taken into account. This analysis provides evidence on how market dynamics have been shaped by a deliberate political construction, which has relieved governments of the task of finding a public solution to care needs and has relegated migrant care workers to a subordinate social position, which is functional in making the care market work.

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