scholarly journals Kurdish liberty

2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110402
Author(s):  
Jason Dockstader ◽  
Rojîn Mûkrîyan
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Conceptual Problems ◽  
Kurdistan Workers Party ◽  
Intellectual Leader ◽  
Made In

Most politically minded Kurds agree that their people need liberty. Moreover, they agree they need liberation from the domination they suffer from the four states that divide them: Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. What is less certain is the precise nature of this liberty. A key debate that characterizes Kurdish political discourse is over whether the liberty they seek requires the existence of an independent Kurdish nation-state. Abdullah Öcalan, the jailed intellectual leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has argued that Kurdish liberty can only be achieved through liberation from the nation-state model itself. Instead of founding an independent Kurdistan, Öcalan proposes regional autonomy for the Kurds through a strictly egalitarian and directly democratic confederalism reminiscent of Murray Bookchin’s anarchist-inspired libertarian municipalism. We argue, in response to Öcalan’s approach, that employing an anarchist rejection of the state is largely mistaken. We diagnose certain historical and conceptual problems with the anarchist understanding of the state and develop the admission made in passing by certain anarchists, including Öcalan, that anarchist liberty could only be achieved after a long period of statist existence. Mostly counter to the anarchist model of non-domination, we propose a republican model of liberty and liberation, also as non-domination, that necessitates the formation of an independent state, at least in this historical period, for Kurds and hence any dominated people to count as truly free. We conclude by attempting to combine certain elements of the anarchist and republican conceptions and offer a synthetic communitarian view that could serve as a better foundation for Kurdish aspirations for liberty.

Libraries of Byelorussia and aesthetic education

1992 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-19
Author(s):  
Ljudmila Kiryukhina
Keyword(s):  
Aesthetic Education ◽  
The State ◽  
International Exchange ◽  
National Library ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Library ◽  
Former Ussr ◽  
Made In

Before becoming an independent state, the Republic of Byelorussia had initiated an extensive programme of aesthetic education which complemented activities elsewhere in the former USSR while stimulating a revival of interest in Byelorussian cultural traditions. Libraries, led by the National Library (now the State Library) at Minsk, contribute to this programme through the provision of publications, by organising or hosting activities, and by working closely with schools. Particular efforts are being made, in association with Melodiya, to improve acquisition of gramophone records. The acquisition of books benefits from a developing programme of international exchange.

scholarly journals O negro enquanto sujeito na História da Educação: as contribuições de uma nova abordagem historiográfica e uma perspectiva de análise para o estado-nação imperial / The black as a subject in the Hstory of Education: the contributions of a new historiographic approach and an analysis perspective for the state-imperial nation

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Priscilla Verona
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
History Of Education ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Educational Processes ◽  
History Of ◽  
Relationship Of

A historiografia educacional brasileira, sobretudo no que tange aos estudos referentes ao século XIX, caracterizou frequentemente o negro como um escravo, que, destituído de direitos, estabelecia uma relação de exclusão com a sociedade e com os processos educativos. Ao não ser considerado um sujeito social pela historiografia tradicional, o negro se manteve durante longo período de tempo à margem também de nossa historiografia da educação. No entanto, nas últimas décadas vem se consubstanciando um movimento rico de superação do silencionamento que foi produzido em relação aos negros na história da educação. Abordagens mais problematizantes aliadas ao surgimento de inúmeras pesquisas e iniciativas passaram a privilegiar e considerar o papel ativo do negro dentro da história da educação no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o artigo se propõe a realizar um breve balanço, buscando sobretudo trazer perspectivas para se pensar o Estado - Nação imperial por meio de uma série de contribuições que dão visibilidade ao protagonismo negro na história.***Brazilian educational historiography, especially with regard to studies relates to the nineteenth century, often characterized  the black as a slave, who deprived of rights, established a relationship of exclusion with society and educational processes. Not being considered a social subject by traditional historiography, the  black remained for a long period of time also on the fringes of our historiography of education. However, in recent decades there has been a rich movement to overcome the silencing that has been produced in relation to blacks in the history of education. More problematic approaches coupled with the emergence of numerous researches and initiatives began to privilege and consider the active role of blacks within the history of education in Brasil. In this sense, the article proposes to make a brief balance, seeking above all to bring perspectives to think the imperial Nation State.  

Untimely Development, Ugly History:A Drama in Muslinand the Rejection of National-Historical Time

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Core

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.

Chasing Angels: The Sweet Wine Angelica

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-78
Author(s):  
hank shaw
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Real ◽  
Mission Period ◽  
History Of ◽  
Uncertain Future ◽  
Sweet Wine ◽  
Made In

Portugal has port, Spain has sherry, Sicily has Marsala –– and California has angelica. Angelica is California's original wine: The intensely sweet, fortified dessert cordial has been made in the state for more than two centuries –– primarily made from Mission grapes, first brought to California by the Spanish friars. Angelica was once drunk in vast quantities, but now fewer than a dozen vintners make angelica today. These holdouts from an earlier age are each following a personal quest for the real. For unlike port and sherry, which have strict rules about their production, angelica never gelled into something so distinct that connoisseurs can say, ““This is angelica. This is not.”” This piece looks at the history of the drink, its foggy origins in the Mission period and on through angelica's heyday and down to its degeneration into a staple of the back-alley wino set. Several current vintners are profiled, and they suggest an uncertain future for this cordial.

BERLAKU DAN KEABSAHAN PERJANJIAN INTERNASIONAL DALAM PANDANGAN HUKUM INTERNASIONAL

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-103
Author(s):  
Komang Sukaniasa
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
International Agreements ◽  
The State ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Binding Force ◽  
International Rights ◽  
Legal Consequences ◽  
Made In

International agreements are agreements between international subjects that give rise to binding obligations in international rights, which can be bilateral or multilateral. Based on these opinions, an understanding can be taken that international treaties are agreements or agreements entered into by two or more countries as subjects of international law that aim to cause certain legal consequences. International agreements, whether ratified or through approval or acceptance or accession, or other methods that are permitted, have the same binding force as ratified international treaties established in the Ratification Law of International Treaties. Once again, it is equally valid and binding on the state. Therefore, the authors consider that the position of international treaties are not made in the form of the Ratification Act of the International Agreement but are binding and apply to Indonesia. Then Damos Dumoli Agusman argues that ratification originates from the conception of international treaty law which is interpreted as an act of confirmation from a country of the legal acts of its envoys or representatives who have signed an agreement as a sign of agreement to be bound by the agreement.

1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.

Multidimensional analysis of the state of Russian studies on the education issues over 1993–2016

2018 ◽  
pp. 50-62
Author(s):  
Дмитрий Рубвальтер ◽  
Dmitry Rubvalter ◽  
Александр Либкинд ◽  
Alexander Libkind ◽  
Валентина Маркусова ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Web Of Science ◽  
The State ◽  
Multidimensional Analysis ◽  
Russian Regions ◽  
Global Flow ◽  
Educational Issues ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Web ◽  
Made In

A multidimensional analysis of the state of Russian studies on the education issues over 1993–2016 was carried out based on the materials of the data contained in the Web of Science (SSCI, A & HCI and SCI-E databases). There were determined the dynamics and trends of a number of relevant indicators, such as the number of Russian publications by year, the share of these publications in the global flow of publications on education issues, the dynamics of the share of publications made in co-authorship with foreign colleagues, etc. A number of distributions of Russian publications on educational issues was compiled and analyzed: by journals, by Russian regions and cities, by organizations and authors of the publications. It was found that most of these distributions were characterized by a high level of non-uniformity. A list of journals (125 titles) in which Russian works on education issues had been published was compiled. Russian organizations (308) and domestic researchers (about two thousand) engaged in studying the issues of education were identified. It was discovered that more than 200 organizations and about 400 academicians from 60 foreign countries had participated in Russian studies on the education issues.

L'ethnie: les vicissitudes d'un concept

1997 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luc de Heusch
Keyword(s):  
Collective Identity ◽  
Social Space ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
African History ◽  
Cultural Entities ◽  
Ideas And Institutions

In spite of recent criticisms the concept of ethnicity should be retained in anthropological analysis to designate more or less coherent cultural entities. These entities will be fluctuating, of course, due to their position in a larger social space where women, goods, ideas, and institutions are exchanged. Ethnicity is not, as some have argued, a colonial invention, but an incontestable anthropological fact, where identity is nurtured by otherness. Ethnicity does not of itself have a political vocation: traditional African states were more often than notpluri-ethnic. The ‘national’ phenomenon, the convergence of the State and ethnicity, is rare in pre-colonial African history. The nation-state is a modern phenomenon, the product of a more or less arbitrary manipulation by an elite having a certain number of ethnic traits; a political re-modelling of collective identity.

Re-enacting the international order, or: why the Syrian state did not disappear

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Janis Grzybowski
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
International Order ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
New States ◽  
Regime Support ◽  
Rare Opportunity ◽  
State Form

Abstract At the height of the Syrian civil war, many observers argued that the Syrian state was collapsing, fragmenting, or dissolving. Yet, it never actually vanished. Revisiting the rising challenges to the Syrian state since 2011 – from internal collapse through external fragmentation to its looming dissolution by the ‘Islamic State’ – provides a rare opportunity to investigate the re-enactment of both statehood and international order in crisis. Indeed, what distinguishes the challenges posed to Syria, and Iraq, from others in the region and beyond is that their potential dissolution was regarded as a threat not merely to a – despised – dictatorial regime, or a particular state, but to the state-based international order itself. Regimes fall and states ‘collapse’ internally or are replaced by new states, but the international order is fundamentally questioned only where the territorially delineated state form is contested by an alternative. The article argues that the Syrian state survived not simply due to its legal sovereignty or foreign regime support, but also because states that backed the rebellion, fearing the vanishing of the Syrian nation-state in a transnational jihadist ‘caliphate’, came to prefer its persistence under Assad. The re-enactment of states and of the international order are thus ultimately linked.

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