Obstacles to Political Careers

1985 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeşslim Arat

“Routine politics” becomes central to the study of the nature and limits of women's political aspirations in a context where women have not as yet chosen to organize a women's movement. This article is based on a series of indepth interviews with a group of female Turkish politicians. The skewed structure of power relations between men and women is aptly reflected in women's perceptions of women's problems in politics. Locating the problem at this level makes it more difficult to ameliorate the situation, short of there being a radical change in the patriarchal power structure of society.

ALQALAM ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Joko Priyanto

Religion Blasphemy addressed to Jakarta Governor who is also a candidate for Jakarta Governor Election 2017 is the beginning of a series of polemic along process of Jakarta Governor Election 2017. This case triggers friction between Islamic society as a civil society and government as authority. This research explored this case by using theory of power relations Foucault. The result shows that the mass movement of Islamic society is power from Islamic society knowledge. Power structure tries to discipline this movement by hegemony in form of discourse. However, hegemonic discourse from civil society (Islamic society) also tries to challenge. The fight of hegemonic in form of discourse becomes so viral in all media, element and institution. This research shows that the discourse of Leader and Diversity is a signifier empty which be contestation of giving meaning.   Keywords: knowledge, power, Foucoult, religion.


1990 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 327-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Bravman

In September 1987, early in my research at the Kenya National Archives, I came across a collection of photographs taken by a British missionary during the 1920s and early 1930s. The collection contained nearly 250 photos of the terrain and people of Kenya's Taita Hills, where I would soon be going for my fieldwork. I pored over the photo collection for a long time, and had reproductions made of twenty-five shots. The names of those pictured had been recorded in the photo album's captions. Many of the names were new to me, though a few WaTaita of the day who had figured prominently in the archival records were also captured on film. When I moved on to Taita in early 1988,1 took the photographs with me. Since I would be interviewing men and women old enough either to remember or be contemporaries of the people in the pictures, I planned to show the photos during the interviews. At first I was simply curious about who some of the people pictured were, but my curiosity quickly evolved into a more ambitious plan. I decided to try using the photographs as visual prompts to get people to speak more expansively than they otherwise might about their lives and their experiences.In the event, I learned that using the photographs in interviews involved many more complexities than I had envisaged in my initial enthusiasm. I found that I had to alter the expectations and techniques I took to Taita, and feel out some of the limitations of working with the photographic medium. I had to recognize the power relations embedded in my presence as a researcher in Taita, in my position as bearer of images from peoples' pasts, and in the photos themselves. I found, too, that I needed to come to grips with a number of issues about the politics of image production, and the historical product of those politics: the bounded, selected images that are photographs. Finally, I had to address some of my own cultural assumptions about photography and how people respond to pictures, assumptions that my informants did not necessarily share.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Praino ◽  
Daniel Stockemer

Various studies have outlined the institutional (e.g. the existence of quota laws and the electoral system type of a country) and non-institutional factors (e.g. the political culture of a country) that account for variation in women’s representation, in general, and, in more detail, the low representation of women in the US Congress. However, no study has, so far, compared the Congressional career paths of men and women in order to understand whether this gender gap in representation stems from a difference in terms of the duration and importance of the careers of male and female policymakers. Using data on all US House elections between 1972 and 2012, we provide such an analysis, evaluating whether or not the political careers of women in the US House of Representatives are different from the political careers of their male counterparts. Our findings indicate that the congressional careers of men and women are alike and, if anything, women may even have a small edge over their male colleagues.


Author(s):  
Yifei Shen

The term “hot mum” (La Ma, 辣妈) has become popular in the Chinese media in the 21st century, being regarded as a “feminist” image of the modern mother, as it breaks with the stereotype of the traditional Chinese mother. Departing from a historical framework of motherhood and feminism, as well as western theories of subjectification and individualization, the article explores the discourses of hot mums in contemporary China. Based on an analysis of more than eight hundred articles in a Chinese database, this article explores the impacts of the image of the hot mum upon practices of motherhood among contemporary Chinese women. The findings show that the notion of the hot mum has been transformed into the concept of “all-around hot mums” who take care of both their families and their careers. It is argued that this process has not changed power relations between men and women, nor the roles of father and mother. Commercial and market aspects have turned hot mums from an initial expression of women’s subjectivity with particular maternal values into subjects of consumerism. The hot mum discourse is apparently contributing to the oppression rather than empowerment of Chinese women, let alone their increased sense of individuality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1(82)) ◽  
pp. 29-38
Author(s):  
O. Dvoryankin

The article examines the women's movement called "feminism", which created a new direction" harassment " in order to achieve superiority over men in the gender confrontation that exists between men and women since their appearance on earth. It is assumed that united, they would be able to become "monsters of the new world", and at the same time the main tool helping them to conquer people and impose their vision of the world over them will be the Internet and particularly its information technologies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
Johan Prytz

New Math was an international reform movement aimed at thorough changes in school mathematics with respect to both content and teaching methods. This movement started to gain influence in the 1950s, and in the 1960s several countries prepared and implemented their own New Math reforms. This movement not only attracted prominent mathematicians and psychologists but also garnered support from the Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The New Math reforms are examples of how OECD supported thorough and broad changes in national systems of education. In most countries, however, the influence of New Math on syllabi began to fade by the 1970s. In this paper, I discuss how the New Math in Sweden reform boosted national governance and changed power relations between the teachers, textbook producers, and the national school administration. I also suggest that OECD continued to support this power structure through the testing enterprises associated with PISA.


Author(s):  
Linda McDowell

Divisions based on the assumption that men and women are different from one another permeate all areas of social life as well as varying across space and between places. In the home and in the family, in the classroom or in the labour market, in politics, and in power relations, men and women are assumed to be different, to have distinct rights and obligations that affect their daily lives and their standard of living. Thirty years ago, there were no courses about gender in British geography departments. This chapter discusses the challenges to geographical knowledge, and to the definition of knowledge more generally, that have arisen from critical debates about the meaning of difference and diversity in feminist scholarship. It examines a number of significant conceptual ideas, namely: the public and the private; sex, gender and body; difference, identity and intersectionality; knowledge; and justice. Finally, it comments on the role of feminism in the academy as a set of political practices as well as epistemological claims.


Author(s):  
James Rose

This chapter focuses on the dynamics of Leatherface's family in The Texas Chain Saw Massacre (1974). From the point at which Cook first sees Hitchhiker in the headlights, a family structure is implied and, to a certain extent, played out during the climatic scenes of Sally Hardesty's torture: Cook has taken on the role of the father who goes out to work to earn money for his family, Hitchhiker is the wayward teenager who refuses to do as he is told, while Leatherface is the mother who is stuck in the kitchen and subject to some domestic abuse from her ‘husband’ Cook. Such a dynamic suggests a patriarchal power structure within this family of cannibals. While this power structure is evident during Cook's arrival at the family home, it slowly starts to shift when the family begins their torture of Sally. For the most part, Cook seems simultaneously to be horrified by the acts being committed at the same time as appearing to enjoy them.


SAGE Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 215824401983744
Author(s):  
Averi Mukhopadhyay

University campuses serve as second homes for students, teachers, administrators, and parents coming from diverse regions, religions, classes, castes, and different genders. Interaction and camaraderie between the major characters in the academe develop. The bonhomie that exists between the stakeholders of the academe has its own rules, rules that are marked by the interference of power. The one wielding more power by virtue of one’s position, class, caste, or gender tries to dictate the terms of a particular relationship. Relations evolve as power relations, whereby a specific code of conduct regarding speech, behavior, thought, writing, love, and life is laid down for all—from administrators and professors to students and parents. This article studies how in a location as specific as Chennai University as described in Srividya Natarajan’s No Onions Nor Garlic, the ideological prejudices and hierarchical divisions highlighted by the play of power affect the daily life of the academe and chart out the course of action for everyone, from professors, students, high caste, low caste to men and women, involved in power relations. On the basis of that, this article suggests power in general serves not only to suppress the powerless but is productive also, as countering power with power creates a proper kind of resistance that blurs the difference between the agent and the target of power in power relations.


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