Herbert Marcuse Today: On Ecological Destruction, Neofascism, White Supremacy, Hate Speech, Racist Police Killings, and the Radical Goals of Socialism

2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642110506
Author(s):  
Charles Reitz

Herbert Marcuse’s political-philosophical vision, cultural critique, and social activism continue to offer an intelligent strategic perspective on current concerns – especially issues of ecological destruction, neofascist white supremacy, hate speech, hate crimes, and racist police violence. These can be countered through a recognition of the intersectionality of radical needs of diverse constituencies and radical collaboration, giving rise to system negation as a new general interest, and an ecosocialist strategy of revolutionary activism within a global alliance of transformational forces.

Temida ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Jovan Ciric

In the nineties of the last century it was noticed in the U.S.A. that suddenly the number of crimes with violence in the inter-racial and inter-ethnical conflicts rose. Also the phenomenon of ignition of churches, religious and sacral objects, especially in the south of the U.S.A., objects which were used by black people, was recorded. Directly in relation to that - the term ?hate crimes? then arose in science and became outspread very quickly, primarily in criminology. Several events, and above all the murder of a young homosexual in Wyoming influenced for both the violence and the crimes commited towards the homosexuals and all due to the prejudices towards this sexual minority to be included in this term. Today, this term is used not only in the U.S.A. and not only in a criminological sense, but also in a purely legal sense to denote the crimes which were carried out under the influence of hate towards a correspondent racial, ethnical or sexual minority. This term is linked also to the terminology and thus the problems which are related to the ?hate speech?. The author of this paper writes about how this term arose in the first place and which problems emerge related to hate crimes and primarily in relation to the issues of expansion of democracy and tolerance, and also education, primarily among the police force and the young population. The author also ascertains that only with the law, no great effects in the battle against this phenomenon can be achieved and that before the criminal-legal intervention some other measures have to be approached, like the creation of an atmosphere of tolerance and the education of the citizens about the phenomenon of hate crimes.


Social Forces ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Jacobs ◽  
Joost van Spanje

Abstract Nowadays, registered hate crimes are on the rise in many Western societies. What explains temporal variation in the incidence of hate crimes? Combining insights from the grievance model and the opportunity model, we study the role of three types of contextual factors: security (terrorism), media (news about terrorism and immigration), and political factors (speech by anti-immigration actors, hate speech prosecution, and high-profile anti-immigration victories). We apply time-series analysis to our original dataset of registered hate crimes in the Netherlands, 2015–2017 (N = 7,219). Findings indicate that terrorist attacks, (both print and online) news on refugees, immigration, and terrorism boost nonviolent hate crime. Similarly, news of the hate speech prosecution of Freedom Party leader Geert Wilders increases nonviolent crime as well. Tentative evidence points to a contagion effect of speech by anti-immigration actors. With regard to violent hate crime, only terrorist attacks had an effect. This effect was modest and only found in one of our models. Hence, the grievance and the opportunities model each partially explain nonviolent hate crime, although the security and media context seem most influential. Our findings help to identify the contextual factors contributing to a climate for hate and suggest that perceived threats play a key role.


2005 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gloria Cowan ◽  
Becky Heiple ◽  
Carolyn Marquez ◽  
Désirée Khatchadourian ◽  
Michelle McNevin

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-141
Author(s):  
Justyna Jurczak

The article is divided into two main parts. It refers to selected data on hate crimes recorded in Poland and Police effectiveness while preventing, investigating and combatting it. Based on available sources, there is no problem with extremist activity on a large-scale in Poland nowadays, but for sure there is an urgent one with the increasing number of hate-motivated incidents, both with their social impact. Awareness-raising and educational campaigns that aim at prompting respect for human rights and tolerance for diversity are very needed in this matter. Also, law enforcement agencies, including the police, play a key role while tackling racism and bias. Uncontrolled and unpunished manifestation of hate, both with the lack of appropriate and unequivocal state response to such incidents, also quiet, social approval to hate-motivated behaviours, seem to be the main components of extreme movements growing. Thus, the main aim of the article has been to describe the phenomenon of hatemotivated incidents that were reported in Poland within past years and to diagnose Polish police officers’ skills, knowledge and qualification in this field, together with qualitative analyses of accessible training programmes. Selected terms (racism, discrimination, intolerance, xenophobia and hate speech) and symbols (the Celtic Cross, the SS-Totenkopf and the Triskele) that promote hate were defined (part 1) both with police officers’ identification accuracy. Research results presented in this article were gathered by using variety of methods and techniques, both theoretical and empirical (part 2). The data that refers to police competence in the context of preventing, investigating and combatting hate crimes was mainly collected as a part of a doctoral research conducted by the author in 2012–2014.


1997 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-122
Author(s):  
Carolyn J. Palmer ◽  
Sophie W. Penney ◽  
Donald D. Gehring ◽  
Jan A. Neiger

2017 ◽  
Vol 121 (4) ◽  
pp. 726-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Ma-Kellams ◽  
Brianna Bishop ◽  
Mei Fong Zhang ◽  
Brian Villagrana

To what extent could “Big Data” predict the results of the 2016 U.S. presidential election better than more conventional sources of aggregate measures? To test this idea, the present research used Google search trends versus other forms of state-level data (i.e., both behavioral measures like the incidence of hate crimes, hate groups, and police brutality and implicit measures like Implicit Association Test (IAT) data) to predict each state’s popular vote for the 2016 presidential election. Results demonstrate that, when taken in isolation, zero-order correlations reveal that prevalence of hate groups, prevalence of hate crimes, Google searches for racially charged terms (i.e., related to White supremacy groups, racial slurs, and the Nazi movement), and political conservatism were all significant predictors of popular support for Trump. However, subsequent hierarchical regression analyses show that when these predictors are considered simultaneously, only Google search data for historical White supremacy terms (e.g., “Adolf Hitler”) uniquely predicted election outcomes earlier and beyond political conservatism. Thus, Big Data, in the form of Google search, emerged as a more potent predictor of political behavior than other aggregate measures, including implicit attitudes and behavioral measures of racial bias. Implications for the role of racial bias in the 2016 presidential election in particular and the utility of Google search data more generally are discussed.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick S. Forscher ◽  
William Taylor Laimaka Cox ◽  
Nicholas Graetz ◽  
Patricia G. Devine

Contemporary prejudice research focuses primarily on people who are motivated to respond without prejudice and the ways in which unintentional bias can cause these people to act inconsistent with this motivation. However, some real-world phenomena (e.g., hate speech, hate crimes) and experimental findings (e.g., Plant & Devine, 2001; 2009) suggest that some expressions of prejudice are intentional. These phenomena and findings are difficult to explain solely from the motivations to respond without prejudice. We argue that some people are motivated to express prejudice, and we develop the motivation to express prejudice (MP) scale to measure this motivation. In seven studies involving more than 6,000 participants, we demonstrate that, across scale versions targeted at Black people and gay men, the MP scale has good reliability and convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. In normative climates that prohibit prejudice, the internal and external motivations to express prejudice are functionally non-independent, but they become more independent when normative climates permit more prejudice toward a target group. People high in the motivation to express prejudice are relatively likely to resist pressure to support programs promoting intergroup contact and vote for political candidates who support oppressive policies. The motivation to express prejudice predicted these outcomes even when controlling for attitudes and the motivations to respond without prejudice. This work encourages contemporary prejudice researchers to broaden the range of samples, target groups, and phenomena that they study, and more generally to consider the intentional aspects of negative intergroup behavior.


Author(s):  
Ēriks Treļs

2019. gada 5. martā Eiropas Komisija pret rasismu un neiecietību (The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, ECRI) publicēja Piekto ziņojumu par Latviju. Tajā, atsaucoties uz Tiesībsarga biroja un nevalstisko organizāciju sniegto informāciju, norādīts, ka naida kurināšanas upuri bieži vien neinformē policiju par notikušo, jo viņiem nav pārliecības par tiesībaizsardzības iestāžu vēlmi vai spēju efektīvi izmeklēt šos notikumus, tādēļ tiek rekomendēts Valsts policijai izveidot speciālu struktūrvienību darbam ar mazāk aizsargātajām sabiedrības grupām. Iepriekšējā ziņojumā, kas tika publicēts 2012. gada 21. februārī, ECRI norādīja, ka par šāda veida noziegumiem piespriestie sodi (ar dažiem izņēmumiem, kad tika piemēroti sodi, kas saistīti ar brīvības atņemšanu) Latvijā ir pārāk saudzīgi. Rakstā tiek skaidrots, kā šajā jomā mainījusies situācija pēc ECRI Ceturtā ziņojuma publicēšanas. The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) on 5 March 2019 published Report on Latvia (fifth monitoring cycle). Non-governmental organisations, minority representatives and Ombudsman of the Republic of Latvia indicated to ECRI that victims of hate speech do not often report incidents to the police due to lack of trust in the willingness or ability of the law enforcement agencies to investigate these cases effectively. ECRI recommends, as a matter of priority, that the authorities establish a unit within the State Police tasked with reaching out to vulnerable groups in order to increase trust in the police and address the problem of under-reporting of hate crimes. In 2012, the ECRI pointed out that penalties for racist violence (with a few exceptions, the imposition of custodial penalties) in Latvia are too lenient. Therefore, the author offers his vision of the actual situation and how things have changed since the fourth ECRI Report on Latvia.


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