scholarly journals The State’s Changing Role Regarding the Kurdish Question of Turkey: From Consistent Tutelage to Volatile Securitization

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burak Bilgehan Özpek
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Systemic Crisis ◽  
Kurdish Question

Disappearance of the established security paradigm of Kemalist state has not helped to create strong institutions and legal-bureaucratic structures that are supposed to prevent a certain political elite to dominate the political system and criminalize its adversaries by security reasons. Instead, survival concerns and political will of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has become replacement of the established paradigm. This has created a systemic crisis. On the one hand, the AKP has played the role of a regular political party, which is supposed to have equal rights and privileges with other players in the game. On the other hand, the AKP has been the tutelary actor that determines what national security is and who threatens national security. As a result of this picture, the AKP has exploited its monopoly over securitization to eliminate the criticisms of the opposition groups. Therefore, any political party or political group has not been viewed as a national security threat only if it has not threatened the political survival of the AKP. Such a crisis has also affected the AKP’s approach toward the Kurdish question. Unlike the established paradigm’s allergy toward the political demands of Kurds due to its commitment to nation-state principle, the AKP’s fluctuated policy toward the Kurds resembles to a political party’s survival strategy rather than a policy stemming from a consistent national security paradigm.

scholarly journals ASYMMETRICAL CONFLICT AND HUMAN SECURITY: REFLECTIONS FROM KENYA

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Awino Okech
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Security Model ◽  
Security Framework ◽  
State Security ◽  
Extremist Groups

This paper focuses on contemporary challenges to the human security framework through an examination of asymmetrical conflict generated by extremist insurgents, specifically Al Shabaab in Kenya. The political and security dynamics generated by extremist groups often find reinforcement in local contestations over power and territory, resulting in an interaction between local and 'external'. It is the product of these interactions in the form of opportunities, resultant discourses, responses and what they offer to an expansion of normative ideas about human security and conflict that this paper focuses on. Using Kenya as a case study, this paper explores the interface between the growth of Al Shabaab, securitisation of governance and political elite consensus on the policy relationship between human security versus a state security model. This paper pursues the argument that the rise in the intensity and nature of Al Shabaab attacks in Kenya has influenced the interpretation of the country's security  threats and the application of strategies. Rather than aiding the application of human security as central to national security, it has rolled back previous gains.

scholarly journals Oposisi dan Koalisi: Potret Kultur Demokrasi Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Cultural Attitudes ◽  
The People ◽  
Power Holder ◽  
The Government

Democracy allows the people to have equal rights in decision-making that can change their lives. Consequently, opposition and coalition exist in this political system. While the opposition aims to correct and evaluate various government decisions, the coalition is the power holder or supporter of the government. Because Indonesia is a country that uphold legal formal consisting of many political parties, a coalition government party must be formed. This is done by gathering other parties until the government can run effectively so that it has the basis of a combination and effective legitimacy. In the second period of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cabinet, the emergence of political parties that were powerless and did not dare to become the government's opposition became evidence of the need for democratization. The emergence of elitism, centralization, and anti-public, as well as the freezing of political structures and the backwardness of the cultural attitudes of the Indonesian people caused the opposition to stand on the word of democratization. Therefore coalitions and opposition are two important parts in building a democratic governance system in Indonesia. This article underlines that democracy in the political elite tends to produce a pseudo and half-hearted democracy. Therefor, the portrait of democratization is needed as a reinforcement of all elements of civil society and thus is not seen as a "devout movement of the state", but an urgent movement to change the attitude of the state through changes in the political composition within it.

scholarly journals Gender as a recruitment criterion in the parliamentary political elite of Latvia (1993–2016)

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 01007
Author(s):  
Lelde Metla-Rozentale
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
Governance Model ◽  
History Of ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
Elite Recruitment

The globalization process has transformed substantially understanding of the issue of border. Revising borders is also seen in political science – in the area of political elite recruitment. Recruitment criteria and their importance are changing, including the importance of gender. In 1981 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which provides equal rights of genders in the political elite, the so-called “mirror representation”, i.e., in the political elite men and women should be represented proportionally according to their number in society [4]. It should be particularly stressed that the purpose of “mirror representation” is not only to ensure equal rights of genders, but first of all to improve the quality of politics. As soon as Latvia regained its independence in 1990, the complicated process of formation (recovery) of the democratic governance model started. In 1993 the first parliamentary elections were held, and by 2016 elections for eight parliamentary terms had been held [3]. In view of the complex political history of Latvia, it is interesting and important to clarify the role of gender in the Latvian parliamentary political elite recruitment process – what correlations can be observed with regard to the male and female share in the parliament during the period from 1995 till 2016, and the extent to which it complies with the sex ratio breakdown of the society.

The Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan: Episodes of Islamic Activism, Postconflict Accommodation, and Political Marginalization

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Epkenhans
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Revival ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
Democratic Principles

The parliamentary elections on March 1, 2015, mark a caesura for postconflict Tajikistan. With the exclusion of the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (irpt) from Tajikistan’s parliament, the political elite has finally abandoned the principles of the 1997 General Peace Accord, which had ended the country’s Civil War (1992–1997). Since then, the irpt has distinguished itself as a credible oppositional political party committed to democratic principles with an almost imperceptible religious agenda. By shifting the irpt’s attention to issues of democratization and socioeconomic development, its chairman, Muhiddin Kabirī, opened the irpt to a younger electorate. Continuous defamation campaigns and persecution, however, have worn down the irpt’s activists and its electorate. The party’s electoral defeat did not come as a surprise.

scholarly journals FAKSIONALISASI DAN KONFLIK INTERNAL PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Rizkyansyah Rizkyansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Library Research

This paper aims to examine and understand the form of factionalisation and Internal Conflict of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) in people's perception of its existence as a political party. The method uses a qualitative approach with data and information obtained through interviews and library research methods. The data and arguments built in this paper use qualitative studies, namely by gathering various scientific references and from primary and secondary sources through searching for writings related to books, journals, papers, newspapers, magazines and direct interview results with informants related to problem in this study. The results showed that the internal PPP conflict was caused by differences in the views of political elite in determining the coalition carrying the presidential candidates. This happened in the PPP in 2014 when there were differences in the nominations between Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy. The conflict then led to the dualism of the leadership of the Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy camps. Another factor driving conflict is the different backgrounds of cadres in the political parties. Therefore, conflict management absolutely needs a political party. 

scholarly journals The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 130-145
Author(s):  
Mariyana Stamova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Albanian Population ◽  
The 1960S

The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.

Xi's personality cult creates hostages to fortune

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Cautious Approach ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
The Common

Significance It signals to the Party and the country at large that Xi, his ideas and his leadership approach have the support, or at least the compliance, of the political elite. Impacts The Resolution's omission of previous criticism of 'personality cults' will make intra-Party criticism of Xi's more difficult. Circumspect language on national security suggests a cautious approach to issues involving the potential for military conflict. The Resolution will add impetus to the policies advanced under the 'common prosperity' slogan.

The Presidential Political Center and Foreign Policy: A Critique of the Revisionist and Bureaucratic-Political Orientations

1974 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amos Perlmutter
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
Political Party ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Political Center

Fundamental to modern politics is the fact that politics of security and diplomacy are central to society. Historically, foreign and security politics have been the main priorities of the political center, conducted primarily on that level. Since 1945, these political centers have gained predominance in die U.S. In the absence of well-integrated political elites, a highly centralized political party or parties, and powerful and permanent bureaucracies and civil service, the presidential political center has become the pivotal political center with almost exclusive control over foreign affairs and national security. The locus and degree of power widiin the American political and constitutional context, rather than elite orientations and practices, are identified to explain who dominates American foreign policy.

scholarly journals POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF ISLAMIC PARTIES

2019 ◽  
pp. 166-173
Author(s):  
Nasrullah Muhammad Nur
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The discussion on the role of Islamic political parties in Muslim-majority countries is a hot conversation not only among the political elite but also in the lower society. Is a political party based on Islam is right to fight for the rights of Muslims or just a mere mask behind the Religion alias in the name of Islam in order to achieve certain goals? This article highlights the issue of how the role of Islamic political parties or the participation of Islamic parties in building the welfare of the people mandated to them especially when they are in power. How can an Islamic party gain a vote, take the sympathy of society when many of the people who are in doubt about the labeling of Islam in the party.

PARTAI ISLAM DI NEGARA MAYORITAS MUSLIM: STUDI PEMILU PERTAMA INDONESIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-168
Author(s):  
Jamilludin Ali
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Party

The majority of Indonesian's populations are Moslems. The Islamic political elite saw the opportunity to take power by bringing the name of Islam to the political party. That are great opportunities because of the assumption that the majority of Moslems would vote for the Islamic party because Islamic party fighting for the benefit of Islam. However, history proves the Islamic party had never won in the general elections in Indonesia. Election of 1955 is regarded as the first democratic elections in Indonesia. It is fact. Although at that time the Moslems reach 90% of the total populations of Indonesia, the election results just put Islamic parties under nationalist party. The defeat of the Islamic party is caused by many things. Among these are the internal divisions in the Islamic party, is to promote party interests rather than Islam, and fierce resistance from nationalist and secular party.

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