The Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan: Episodes of Islamic Activism, Postconflict Accommodation, and Political Marginalization

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Epkenhans
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Revival ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
Democratic Principles

The parliamentary elections on March 1, 2015, mark a caesura for postconflict Tajikistan. With the exclusion of the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (irpt) from Tajikistan’s parliament, the political elite has finally abandoned the principles of the 1997 General Peace Accord, which had ended the country’s Civil War (1992–1997). Since then, the irpt has distinguished itself as a credible oppositional political party committed to democratic principles with an almost imperceptible religious agenda. By shifting the irpt’s attention to issues of democratization and socioeconomic development, its chairman, Muhiddin Kabirī, opened the irpt to a younger electorate. Continuous defamation campaigns and persecution, however, have worn down the irpt’s activists and its electorate. The party’s electoral defeat did not come as a surprise.

Election delay will not solve Libya's problems

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Armed Group ◽  
The Core

Significance This is expected to be followed by the first parliamentary election since 2014, at some point in early 2022. It now looks increasingly likely that both elections will be delayed. The electoral process lacks the elements it would need to be truly transformative, but it is prompting shifts in the political elite which will dictate developments for at least the next year. Impacts Khalifa Haftar will keep pushing for his armed group to form the core of Libya’s future army Seif al-Islam Qadhafi’s candidacy in the elections is unlikely to result in him becoming president. Aguileh Saleh looks set to stay on as House of Representatives speaker with no clear date for parliamentary elections.

scholarly journals The State’s Changing Role Regarding the Kurdish Question of Turkey: From Consistent Tutelage to Volatile Securitization

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burak Bilgehan Özpek
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Systemic Crisis ◽  
Kurdish Question

Disappearance of the established security paradigm of Kemalist state has not helped to create strong institutions and legal-bureaucratic structures that are supposed to prevent a certain political elite to dominate the political system and criminalize its adversaries by security reasons. Instead, survival concerns and political will of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has become replacement of the established paradigm. This has created a systemic crisis. On the one hand, the AKP has played the role of a regular political party, which is supposed to have equal rights and privileges with other players in the game. On the other hand, the AKP has been the tutelary actor that determines what national security is and who threatens national security. As a result of this picture, the AKP has exploited its monopoly over securitization to eliminate the criticisms of the opposition groups. Therefore, any political party or political group has not been viewed as a national security threat only if it has not threatened the political survival of the AKP. Such a crisis has also affected the AKP’s approach toward the Kurdish question. Unlike the established paradigm’s allergy toward the political demands of Kurds due to its commitment to nation-state principle, the AKP’s fluctuated policy toward the Kurds resembles to a political party’s survival strategy rather than a policy stemming from a consistent national security paradigm.

scholarly journals Ecological trends of political and electoral programs in Ukraine

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-470
Author(s):  
A. Popovych ◽  
A. Sabovchyk
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Environmental Consciousness ◽  
Management Decisions ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Strategic Goals

Changing the political elite in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections raises interest in what will be the state's policy in various fields, including the environment. After all, the effectiveness of state environmental policy has not been achieved in previous years. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to determine the environmental trends of election (presidential, parliamentary) programs. In terms of research tasks, an attempt has been made to find out which of the types of environmental consciousness are the preferences of election programs; to trace the relationship between the environmental components of the programs of Presidential candidates and the political parties they represent; to find out whether the objectives of the state environmental policy of Ukraine for the period up to 2030 are taken into account in the election programs. The study was based on the environmental components of the election programs of the top 5 presidential candidates and the top 5 political parties that entered the parliament. The results of the analysis revealed that they were not filled enough: some did not contain such information or were formulated as a slogan of a single sentence. It is revealed that the content of election programs legitimizes the postmodern (harmonious) type of environmental consciousness. Only one program combines characteristics of all three types, including traditionalist and modernist (technocentric). It has been found that the environmental provisions of the programs of the presidential candidates and their political parties in the parliamentary elections are only partially correlated. The authors' special attention is focused on the consistency of election program provisions with the strategic goals of the state environmental policy. This aspect of the study shows that greening the worldview of the society as one of the five strategic goals of Ukraine's state environmental policy is not mentioned in the documents analyzed. Good environmental governance is only declared during a presidential campaign in one program regarding responsibility for environmental damage. The other two goals (sustainable development of natural resource potential, reduction of environmental risks and a safe environment) are fragmented. In both campaigns, greening of management decisions on socio-economic development is the most significant. The authors conclude about old trends of formal, ideologically unformed attitude of the political elite towards the environment in the election programs, the emergence of a business component as a relatively new trend in one of the election programs, and also express the opinion about the debate over the complex environmental policy and the new power of the new authorities management decisions in this area.

scholarly journals FAKSIONALISASI DAN KONFLIK INTERNAL PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Rizkyansyah Rizkyansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Library Research

This paper aims to examine and understand the form of factionalisation and Internal Conflict of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) in people's perception of its existence as a political party. The method uses a qualitative approach with data and information obtained through interviews and library research methods. The data and arguments built in this paper use qualitative studies, namely by gathering various scientific references and from primary and secondary sources through searching for writings related to books, journals, papers, newspapers, magazines and direct interview results with informants related to problem in this study. The results showed that the internal PPP conflict was caused by differences in the views of political elite in determining the coalition carrying the presidential candidates. This happened in the PPP in 2014 when there were differences in the nominations between Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy. The conflict then led to the dualism of the leadership of the Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy camps. Another factor driving conflict is the different backgrounds of cadres in the political parties. Therefore, conflict management absolutely needs a political party. 

scholarly journals COMPARISON OF RESULTS OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 2012-2019 IN UKRAINE

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Public Awareness ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Gender Composition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Party Composition

The results of 2012, 2014, 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary elections which were conducted under the same parallel electoral system, are analyzed. The composition of the Verkhovna Rada of the 7th, 8th and 9th convocation by gender is compared, the possibility of participating in electoral races and being elected by both men and women is analyzed. The number of women and men who were selected by the proportional and majoritarian component of the electoral system is compared. The party composition of each convocation is examined. According to the 2012 elections, 450 people's deputies were elected, while only 423 people were elected during 2014 and 2019 elections. This is due to Russian aggression in Crimea and eastern Ukraine, which makes it impossible to hold elections in majoritarian constituencies of the indicated regions. With regard to the gender composition of the Parliament, the smallest number of women were represented in the 7th convocation of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, while the largest number was represented in the 9th convocation. This tendency is explained by raising public awareness and greater involvement of women in politics every year, because even with the constancy of the electoral system, the number of women in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine has doubled. The majoritarian component of the parallel electoral system remains inaccessible to women, because twice as many women deputies get their seats by proportional component. The political composition of the Ukrainian Parliament changes during each election campaign. Only one political party has been able to overcome the 5 percent electoral barrier in all three of its last campaigns - the All-Ukrainian Motherland Association. Another party has been able to go to parliament twice - the Petro Poroshenko bloc / European Solidarity. All other 11 parties are represented in parliament with only one cadence. A characteristic feature of all three campaigns is the support for a large part of the population of the presidential parties, both in a proportional system and in a majority one, which testifies, however, to the significant influence of the political preferences of the population rather than the influence of the electoral system. The fact that parliament is renewed by more than two-thirds during each of the three election campaigns refutes the argument that MPs or parties do not change and that a new electoral system is required to update parliament.

Islamists in Power

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Ahmed Zaghloul Shalata
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Practical Experience ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Applied Model ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Expected Outcome ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

In the first parliamentary elections after Mr. Mubarak’s overthrow in February 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood’s newly formed Freedom and Justice Party had won nearly half the seats in the People’s Assembly. The Muslim Brotherhood, had, over the two previous years, gained political expansion in parliament. The Brotherhood entered into a coalition with other Islamist parties including two Salafist parties, forming an Islamist bloc, but their experience ended with their removal from power and significant changes in the structure of the Brotherhood. Based on the political programs of the Islamist parties in Egypt, this article seeks to analyze the experience of Islamists in power by focusing on their practical perceptions of the Islamist political system. The article concludes that the political Islamist organizations lacked a coherent mechanism to propel them from the stage of the organization’s (political party) management to a stage of state administration. Egyptian Islamist groups had no specific perception of the nature of the state, or of an applied model to implement the “Islamic state.” Although these groups had a declared project, which they had been attempting to establish for decades, their focus was solely on discussing the expected outcome they had hoped to achieve, while neglecting to elaborate on how their affairs could be run, once in power. This shortfall was due to an accumulation of the multiple problems the groups had faced, whether they be conceptual reasons of state, power issues, or the organizational obstacles strewn along the paths of the components that comprised the group, which had prevented them, over decades, from overcoming them. Hence, the traditional mechanisms they continued to apply while in power proved inadequate in responding to the crises inherent in the experience of government. They failed to introduce new mechanisms to address the issues as dictated by the necessity for practical experience and solutions once they had attained power.

Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and the January 25 Revolution: new political party, new circumstances

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mona Farag
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Initial Phase ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

This paper highlights the Muslim Brotherhood's experience in Egyptian elections since the 1980s with an emphasis on their last attempts during the Hosni Mubarak era in 2010 and in light of their most recent showing in the 2011 elections. This summary reveals how past electoral activities and failures have positioned this organization the better to capitalize on the newfound democratic climate in a post-revolution Egypt and perform well during the 2011 parliamentary elections. Drawing on these and more recent sources, an attempt is also made to bring the features of today's Egypt's political field into clear focus in the wake of the January 25 revolution and the subsequent emergence of newly formed political parties on the Egyptian scene. The paper concludes with a broad assessment of the prospects for the political future of the Muslim Brotherhood in view of its showing in the initial phase of elections for the People's Assembly that took place in November 2011.

scholarly journals POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF ISLAMIC PARTIES

2019 ◽  
pp. 166-173
Author(s):  
Nasrullah Muhammad Nur
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The discussion on the role of Islamic political parties in Muslim-majority countries is a hot conversation not only among the political elite but also in the lower society. Is a political party based on Islam is right to fight for the rights of Muslims or just a mere mask behind the Religion alias in the name of Islam in order to achieve certain goals? This article highlights the issue of how the role of Islamic political parties or the participation of Islamic parties in building the welfare of the people mandated to them especially when they are in power. How can an Islamic party gain a vote, take the sympathy of society when many of the people who are in doubt about the labeling of Islam in the party.

Predatory Peace

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-125
Author(s):  
Christian Lund
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Palm Oil ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Conflicts ◽  
Land Politics ◽  
Specific Configuration ◽  
Agrarian Structure

This chapter describes the specific configuration of the political and agrarian structure in Aceh during the civil war and after. It presents two analysis. The first is an analysis of the general land politics in Aceh during and after the war, tracing the Free Aceh Movement's (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) development from a rebel movement with a nationalist and popular base to a political party with a rent-seeking practice and an interest in the palm oil economy. The second is an analysis of the institutional mechanisms of dispossession through land-lease allocations. Empirical documentation from two different locations in Aceh illustrates the smallholder plantation land conflicts. By turning space into a frontier under weak claims, new actors were able to seize it through violence, political power, and the paperwork of legalization.

PARTAI ISLAM DI NEGARA MAYORITAS MUSLIM: STUDI PEMILU PERTAMA INDONESIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-168
Author(s):  
Jamilludin Ali
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Party

The majority of Indonesian's populations are Moslems. The Islamic political elite saw the opportunity to take power by bringing the name of Islam to the political party. That are great opportunities because of the assumption that the majority of Moslems would vote for the Islamic party because Islamic party fighting for the benefit of Islam. However, history proves the Islamic party had never won in the general elections in Indonesia. Election of 1955 is regarded as the first democratic elections in Indonesia. It is fact. Although at that time the Moslems reach 90% of the total populations of Indonesia, the election results just put Islamic parties under nationalist party. The defeat of the Islamic party is caused by many things. Among these are the internal divisions in the Islamic party, is to promote party interests rather than Islam, and fierce resistance from nationalist and secular party.

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