Determinants of county migrant regularization policymaking in the United States: Understanding temporal and spatial realities

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.Anne Visser ◽  
Sheryl-Ann Simpson

While immigration policymaking has traditionally been the sole prerogative of nation states, research has documented increased instances of migration policymaking at sub-national levels across migrant-receiving societies. This paper examines the temporally and spatially distinctive dynamics that underscore the adoption of these policies at the county level in the United States. The study considers the implementation of migrant labor market regularizations (LRs) for the time period 2004–2014. LRs are defined as discrete arenas of policymaking at the sub-national level that affect aspects of migrant workers’ status in labor markets and include laws and ordinances related to: anti-solicitation, language access, local enforcement of federal immigration law, and employment verification. Utilizing a multilevel event histories model, we analyze data from a unique dataset of over 5000 LR policies across 2959 counties in the United States, and address two research questions: (1) What are the social, economic, and political factors that influence the adoption of LRs by counties and municipalities in the United States; and (2) do policy adoption trends that occurred during 2004–2014 indicate a unique type of diffusion pattern? We find that the adoption of LRs by county governments are influenced by the racialization of immigration discourse and by policy behaviors at the municipal and state government levels, while economic characteristics of the local labor market and perceived ethnic competition from migrants have little direct impact on the probability of policy adoption.

2019 ◽  
pp. 65-86
Author(s):  
Jeffrey J. Sallaz

The Philippine state is a key mediator in the global labor market for voice. Colonization by Spain and the United States generated what the scholar Walden Bello calls an “anti-development state.” Catholic ideology limits women’s’ reproductive choices, while a migrant labor policy sends the country’s best and brightest abroad to work and remit money back home. For ordinary Filipinos who finish college, the result is a bifurcated choice: leave the country to find prosperity or stay at home and live in poverty. The megacity of Manila is where so many Filipinos find themselves negotiating this difficult fork in the road.


Author(s):  
Immanuel Ness

This book thoroughly investigates the use of guest workers in the United States, the largest recipient of migrant labor in the world. The book argues that the use of migrant labor is increasing in importance and represents despotic practices calculated by key U.S. business leaders in the global economy to lower labor costs and expand profits under the guise of filling a shortage of labor for substandard or scarce skilled jobs. The book shows how worker migration and guest worker programs weaken the power of labor in both sending and receiving countries. The in-depth case studies of the rapid expansion of technology and industrial workers from India and hospitality workers from Jamaica reveal how these programs expose guest workers to employers' abuses and class tensions in their home countries while decreasing jobs for American workers and undermining U.S. organized labor. Where other studies of labor migration focus on undocumented immigrant labor and contend immigrants fill jobs that others do not want, this is the first to truly advance understanding of the role of migrant labor in the transformation of the working class in the early twenty-first century. Questioning why global capitalists must rely on migrant workers for economic sustenance, the book rejects the notion that temporary workers enthusiastically go to the United States for low-paying jobs. Instead, the book asserts the motivations for improving living standards in the United States are greatly exaggerated by the media and details the ways organized labor ought to be protecting the interests of American and guest workers in the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-328
Author(s):  
Bakhan Ako Najmaddin

Modern technologies and communication systems are tools to make human life easier, and they have started a revolution in the fields of international securities and international relations. However, modern technologies and cyberspace have to be considered as causes of serious damages, dangers, and represent a serious risk in international security. Cyberspace is accounted as the fifth sphere for the conduct of combat besides land, water, air and space. Cyberspace has occurred in a very new and unique type of war, which is called cyber war. Nowadays, protecting cyberspace becomes a vital part of the national level strategies because cyber war under the shadow of cyberspace is a real phenomenon in international relations, and the United States and Iran's cyber war is the obvious example. Both countries attempt to attack the infrastructure of the other side's information technology and network communication systems in order to cause serious damage financially, economically, politically and militarily. Consequently, cyber war is likely to become the most characterized in the twenty-first century and future military operations.


Author(s):  
Emil Turković

In the 1990s, various countries had a different approach to the problems related to prisoners’ labor. In the United States, the concept of prison labor could survive only in such developed states as New York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts which could cope with the burden of keeping unproductive prisons. Under the impact of the penal reform and upon the adoption of new penal legislation in these states, the old American tradition of labor prisons gave way to a new standard which implied that convicted offenders had to learn different crafts while in prison but they were excluded from the public labor market when at large. The new industrial program, which was thus engendered, has significantly contributed to spreading the reformist functions of prison labor. Organized prison labor had always been strongly supported by penal reformers in the north of the United States but, in the mid-1980s, as the penal reformers moved away from that part of the United States, the concept of organized prison labor no longer had a significant political and legislative impact. The influence of penal reformers and the idea of instituting convict labor (but without competition in the labor market) had a strong influence on government politicians both at the federal and state government levels. The reformers endeavored to ensure the prisoners’ welfare and enable all prisoners to work and participate in the labor market as competitive workforce, both by leasing their labor and through the sale of final products on the free market.


Author(s):  
Douglas S. Massey ◽  
Jorge Durand ◽  
Karen A. Pren

A majority of Mexican and Central Americans living in the United States today are undocumented or living in a marginal, temporary legal status. This article is a comparative analysis of how Mexican and non-Mexican Latino immigrants fare in the U.S. labor market. We show that despite higher levels of human capital and a higher class background among non-Mexican migrants, neither they nor Mexican migrants have fared very well in the United States. Over the past four decades, the real value of their wages has fallen across the board, and both Mexican and non-Mexican migrant workers experience wage penalties because they are in liminal legal categories. With Latinos now composing 17 percent of the U.S. population and 25 percent of births, the precariousness of their labor market position should be a great concern among those attending to the nation’s future.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 80-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas M Walker

As U.S. politicians and voters continue to grapple with the slower-than-expected recovery from the 2007-09 recession, the legalization (or expansion) of commercial casinos has become an increasingly popular policy. Casinos are politically popular because the state government legalizes them, and can thus create a new industry which pays high taxes and may stimulate employment and economic development. Despite the fact that casinos are now widespread in the United States – there are around 1,000 commercial and tribal casinos – the empirical evidence on their economic impacts is still negligible.In two previous studies ( we have tested the relationship between state-level casino revenues and per capita income (i.e., economic growth) to provide evidence on whether or not casinos have a positive economic impact on states’ economies. We have utilized a Granger causality model modified for use with panel data. Our initial evidence, from a paper published in 1998, indicated that casinos do Granger cause economic growth. However, when we re-tested the model using up-to-date data (at the time, through 2005), we found no significant results. The casino industry has grown extensively since 2005, and although the recession of 2007-09 had a negative impact on the casino industry, the national-level revenue numbers are again climbing.We extend our previous analyses in order to provide updated evidence on the economic growth impact of commercial casinos in the United States. Section 2 provides a more detailed background of our previous analysis and an overview of other relevant literature. Section 3 describes the data and model, and provides the results. Section 4 is a discussion and conclusion. 


2014 ◽  
Vol 653 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise Brennan

This article examines the varied consequences that the label “trafficked” holds for migrants and for the organizations that assist them. In the case of migrants from the Dominican Republic to Argentina, threat of U.S. economic sanctions prompted the two governments to document incidents of trafficking by labeling all forms of migrant labor exploitation as trafficking. Collapsing a range of coerced and noncoerced labor experiences under one label has muddied the definition of trafficking. In contrast, U.S. trafficking policy systematically ignores significant exploitation of labor migrants, in part because of the volatile politics of immigration in the United States, and because of the conflation of sex trafficking with trafficking. The article uses these two examples of the effects of labeling exploited workers as trafficking victims to draw attention to the politicization of the term “trafficking.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 284-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason C. Mueller

Several decades ago scholars studying the state, political economy, and power relations were obliged to engage with the ideas of Nicos Poulantzas. Today, his ideas are hard to find in most sociological theorizing—particularly in the United States. This trend is unfortunate, but not unavoidable. This article proposes that we reconsider the insights of Poulantzas as well as the growing community of scholars building a neo-Poulantzasian approach for studies on international politics, economics, and the state. I discuss Poulantzas’s prescient but often neglected work on the internationalization of capital and nation-states, along with his theoretical approach to studying the state as a social relation. After highlighting their significance I focus on several neo-Poulantzasian analytical concepts that have extended his insights in creative ways. I argue that Poulantzas and contemporary neo-Poulantzasians offer ideas that are ripe for exploration, elaboration, and incorporation into multiple burgeoning and interrelated areas of inquiry for sociology and beyond. These include studies on the political-economy of development, studies on internationalization and its effect on national-level governance, and studies of the state in the (semi-) periphery. If successful, this article will provoke scholars to engage in innovative transdisciplinary research grounded in the unique and underexplored theories of Nicos Poulantzas.


Author(s):  
Murat Tasci ◽  
Caitlin Treanor

Though labor market statistics are often reported and discussed at the national level, conditions can vary quite a bit across individual states. We explore differences in these labor market conditions across US states before and after the Great Recession using a ratio of the number of unemployed workers to job vacancies. We show that the intensity of the adverse effects of the recession and the strength of the recovery varied geographically at all points in the process. We also demonstrate that wage growth is delayed until the ratio of unemployed workers to job vacancies returns to prerecession levels.


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