scholarly journals Building back better from COVID-19: Knowledge, emergence and social contracts

2021 ◽  
pp. 030913252110595
Author(s):  
Mark Pelling ◽  
Helen Adams ◽  
George Adamson ◽  
Alejandro Barcena ◽  
Sophie Blackburn ◽  
...  

COVID-19 recovery is an opportunity to enhance life chances by Building Back Better, an objective promoted by the UN and deployed politically at national level. To help understand emergent and intentional opportunities to Build Back Better, we propose a research agenda drawing from geographical thinking on social contracts, assemblage theory and the politics of knowledge. This points research towards the ways in which everyday and professional knowledge cocreation constrains vision and action. Whose knowledge is legitimate, how legitimacy is ascribed and the place of science, the media and government in these processes become sites for progressive Building Back Better.

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


2017 ◽  
Vol 118 (9/10) ◽  
pp. 456-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan D. Machin-Mastromatteo

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to construct the basis for a research agenda that integrates participatory methodologies (PMs) into literacies (L) research and practice as a valuable methodological basis. Design/methodology/approach The pros and cons of using PM on L research and practice are explained, as well as its possibilities, characteristics and the contributions of a research agenda under such integration (PM-L agenda). This analysis draws from the pertinent literature, Scopus publication data, the author’s own practice as an information literacy (IL) researcher and a questionnaire used to gather further insights from the research community in this matter. Findings A further understanding of the contributions that a PM-L research agenda can bring to the library and information science field is achieved. The pros, cons, hesitations and eagerness that researchers might have toward the idea of using such integration are valuable for determining if this really is a perfect but not an explicit fit. Research limitations/implications Although the questionnaire was promoted in a large international conference during a four-year period (2013-2017), it was answered by 34 participants; only 16 participants had previous experiences with the PM-L integration, and only an average of 8 participants provided significant answers to our open-ended questions. Thus, the amount of data available to analyze was limited. Certainly, using Scopus data provides a large but incomplete picture of the specialized literature that is peer reviewed and indexed, because it excludes publications not indexed that may be pertinent. Originality/value The PM-L integration is deemed as highly adequate, as PMs seek to improve participants’ conditions, situations and realities through reflection and engagement, while L-related activities and research (including information, digital, media literacy or new literacies) are conducted to improve people’s use and understanding of the media for which they are developing literacy. This contributes to their betterment as critical-thinkers, persons, citizens and learners. However, many researchers and especially practitioners do not formally use PM to conduct L activities, at least in many cases, this is not made explicitly. In the case of practitioners, some have conducted such activities empirically, without an appropriate methodological foundation. Hence, to establish PM as the methodologies of choice may help researchers and practitioners have a stronger methodological basis to conduct their work.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. I-IV
Author(s):  
Sarah Geber ◽  
Tobias Frey ◽  
Thomas N. Friemel

Health and health-related behaviours are embedded in social contexts in various ways which comprise both risks and opportunities for health communication. We propose a research agenda on social aspects of health communication and introduce the articles of the present special issue. Owing to the complexity of individuals’ social contexts, the research agenda addresses questions lying at the individual, interpersonal, and societal levels. The issue’s articles cover different and highly relevant questions of this research agenda, ranging from stigmatisation to impression management to collective action and from experimental designs to qualitative interviews and netnography. In sum, the articles demonstrate not only the diversity but also the relevance of academic research on social aspects of health communication. We expect that this topic will continue gaining importance, given the ongoing digitalisation of the media environment and the increasing interconnectedness of producers and users, doctors and patients, and experts and laypersons.


1988 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 379-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Fulton ◽  
Greg Owen

American attitudes and responses toward death have changed markedly during the twentieth century. This transformation is illustrated through an examination of two age groups: those born prior to the advent of the atomic bomb, and those born into the nuclear age. Each cohort contended with very different patterns of environment and socio-historical experiences, and had differential life expectancies as well. Images of death have changed significantly over this time-span, partially because of the pervasive influence of television and the overall growth in the importance of media. Death's presence in the media is simultaneously everywhere and nowhere; it is at once illusively fantastical and frighteningly real. Today's youth face the threat of a sudden anonymous death that is counterpoised against a more immediate experience with death that often is either distorted or denied. It is within this context that America's youth express their fears and frustrations in music, drugs, violence, and vicarious death experiences. The research agenda should include investigation of such phenomena as the rising interest in spirituality and the increase in suicide among adolescents as possible symptoms of despair in an impersonal and threatened world.


Author(s):  
Sandra Jacobs ◽  
Thomas Schillemans

The role of the media in public accountability has often been discussed. This is especially the case for public sector organisations, whose accountability relations have changed in the shift from government to governance. In this paper, we develop a typology of the ways mass media are involved in public accountability processes. Media can stimulate actors to reflect on their behaviour, trigger formal accountability by reporting on the behaviour of actors, amplify formal accountability as they report on it or act as an independent and informal accountability forum. To explore the presence of these roles in practice, we focus on public sector organisations in the Netherlands. Our quantitative and qualitative analysis in the Netherlands suggests that the media primarily serve an indirect role in public accountability, either by invoking pre-emptive self-criticism in public organisations in anticipation of potential media scrutiny or by triggering formal accountability demands from MPs


Author(s):  
Florence Le Cam

From the end of the 19th century until the present, journalists have created associations, trade unions, clubs, and major international networks to organize workers, defend their rights, set out their duties, establish rules of good conduct, and structure their professional journalistic skills. These journalistic organizations are central actors in the history of the professionalization of journalistic groups around the world. They have enabled journalists to make their demands public, exchange views with journalists from other countries, and sometimes even promote and achieve legal recognition of their profession. In general terms, they have provided journalists with fora to discuss their working conditions, their profession, and the social role of the media and journalism. In this way, they have helped to structure not only discourses and practices, but also networks of solidarity at both national and international levels. These organizations can exist in different arenas: within media companies, at the national level, or internationally. And, despite their variety over time, they have often pursued similar objectives: protect journalists’ pay and employment conditions and status; conceive strategies to maintain a certain form of autonomy in authoritarian political contexts; nourish international networking ambitions that have made it possible to disseminate ways of doing and thinking journalism; and finally generate a set of actions that aims to defend the ethics of journalism, the quality of news, and the lives of journalists.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald E. Rice ◽  
Howard Giles

This final contribution to this special Journal of Language and Social Psychology issue on “using the science of language to improve translation of the language of science” places the articles in the context and nature of the broader literature on science communication, particularly as it relates to the media. This framework is crafted with a view to identifying the complex factors and processes that create translation problems, highlighting models and approaches that can improve science communication. Throughout, we propose a parsimonious set of research agenda items. Scholars wishing to move between different models of science communication should take into consideration the processes of formative evaluation, intergroup accommodation, and message design logics.


1994 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabrina R. Goodson ◽  
Mary Alice Shaver

This study examines spending patterns and media choices of national advertisers targeting the Hispanic audience. Survey results show that companies who target the Hispanic market at the national level spend only 1.5% of their total budgets in Spanish-language advertising. The media mix used for this audience is quite different than that reported for the general audience; 80% of ad dollars go to broadcast media. The authors suggest that promotions, particularly event marketing, can be a way for national advertisers to both customize messages and gain increased recognition in local markets.


1995 ◽  
Vol 141 ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Scot Tanner

Thirty years ago, in his landmark study of how “a bill becomes a law” in the United States, Daniel Berman reminded constitutional scholars that policy-making processes have an enormous impact on the content of the laws they produce, and are not mere “technical devices” designed to permit orderly Congressional lawmaking. This article begins from the assertion that 16 years after the beginning of China's post-Mao political and legal reforms, scholars of Chinese politics and law need to pay greater attention to the impact which lawmaking processes have on the content of the laws and policies that this system produces. Specifically, it asks the following questions. First, how are national-level laws drafted in post-Mao China, and what are the politics of the lawmaking process? Secondly, what factors in the process affect the “life chances” of a particular draft law? That is, why do some laws win a place on the legislative agenda, while most drafts languish in obscurity, and still others emerge briefly, only to disappear later into the bureaucratic swamp? And finally, what systematic impact, if any, do the politics of the lawmaking process have on the content of the laws which the system produces?


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Resul Sinani

The usage of social media by Kosovar politicians is almost absolute. Politicians of all levels have their accounts on Facebook as well as other social networks. They use those for various reasons, starting from contacting the voters and supporters during the election campaigns as well as during the time they are in the office, up to presenting their stands and ideas that have do with different issues of public interest. For many of them, especially for low-level politicians the social media, mainly Facebook, have become the only place where they express themselves, since they find it almost impossible to become a part of the traditional media, especially of those on the national level, like newspapers, radio or television. Whereas for high-leveled politicians, concretely the heads of main institutions like the prime-minister, the head of parliament or the president, who refuse to be interviewed and be present in political shows where they could face questions from the journalists or the public, they are using Facebook statements in order to avoid direct questions from the journalists about the political subjects of the day. By making it impossible for them to take direct answers through their journalists the traditional media (newspapers, radio, TV) have to quote the posts that the politicians are making on Facebook. The kosovar journalists and the heads of media see this tendency of politicians, especially of the prime minister as the lack of transparency, avoidance of accountability, control of information and setting the agenda of the media. This paper attempts to argument the hypothesis that the high level politicians, the heads of main state institutions in Kosovo are controlling the information in traditional media through the usage of social media. In order to argument this hypothesis as a case study we have taken the Kosovar (ex)PM Hashim Thaçi whose almost every status and update has been quoted by the media. We have also interviewed journalists and editors of Kosovar media houses who have expressed their thoughts about the subject, while supporting the hypothesis of this paper.


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