Complexity, cultural pluralism and democracy: collective action in the public space

2000 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Melucci ◽  
Leonardo Avritzer
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Cultural Pluralism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

This article is an attempt to show the political consequences of the forms of collective action introduced by social movements and their contribution to the formulation of a new conception of democratic practice. It is our contention that the current crisis faced by democracy is linked to the lack of a space capable of dealing with both social complexity and cultural pluralism. We argue that a public space for face-to-face interaction among citizens differentiated from the state allows us to consider this issue in a different light. Publicity allows the incorporation into democratic politics of demands for cultural integration by preserving a space for their direct presentation. Publicity also avoids a reductionist conception of political claims in which, in order for representation to take place, there is the need to reduce the plurality of the cultural demands through the aggregation of political majorities. In this article we show the tension between the public space and political representation, and argue that the definition of democracy in complex societies should include two further freedoms: the freedom not to belong as the right to withdraw from one's constituted identity in order to form a new one, and the freedom not to be represented. Such acts, which are non-aggregative par excellence, cannot be managed by the system of representation, but only through mechanisms of public presentation and acknowledgement of difference. In our view the tension between the political and the public should become part of the definition of democracy.

scholarly journals Political Representation In Urban Public Space In Jakarta Child-Friendly Public Space (Ruang Publik Terpadu Ramah Anak – RPTRA)

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Eka Permanasari ◽  
Sahid Mochtar ◽  
Rahma Purisari
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Urban Architecture ◽  
The Public ◽  
Space Design ◽  
The Government ◽  
Participative Design

The design of public space often embodies the power and political representation of a specific regime. As urban architecture symbolizes and establishes the identity of a regime, authorities often use a top-down approach to implement urban architectural programs. As a result, the spaces constructed often display power and identity, but lack consideration of public use. Public spaces are often exclusionary for public use. They merely stand for the representation of the authority. Accordingly, many public spaces built by the government are abandoned soon after their launch. Big ceremonies and public space displays only last a few days before these spaces are then closed to the public or appropriated for different uses. Most top-down approaches focus on the physical development, overlooking the users’ inclusion in decision making. This research analyses the political representation of public space design in RPTRA Bahari located in the South Jakarta. It analyses the political reason behind the development of RPTRA in Jakarta and the way participative design approach is employed during the design process to get public engagement in public space. Therefore, it investigates how the political representation is perceived in everyday life by analysing how the public space has been used three years since its launch. Through observation and interviews, this paper interrogates the political representation in urban forms and how public spaces become an arena where the government’s intentions and everyday uses meet. It concludes that a participative, bottom-up approach leads to more public use and engagement.

Kant’s Open Secret

2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 26-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Bennington
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Irreducible Element ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
Political Time ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Heads Of State

It is argued that Kant’s claimed reconciliation of politics and ethics in the Appendix to ‘Perpetual Peace’ founders on an irreducible element of secrecy that no amount of ‘publicity’ could ever dissipate. This shows up figuratively in images of veiling, and more especially in the paradoxical ‘very transparent veil’ associated with British politics in a footnote to ‘The Contest of Faculties’. This figure suggests that the structure of the ‘public’ itself involves a kind of transcendental secrecy that cannot be ‘publicly’ overcome, and that public space therefore cannot become fully visible to itself. This structural problem, it is claimed, prevents Kant from securing his proposed distinctions between the ‘moral politician’ and the ‘political moralist’, and between ‘political prudence’ or expediency and ‘political wisdom’. A similar problem reappears in the supplementary ‘Secret Article’ that Kant includes in the second edition of ‘Perpetual Peace’, which specifies, ‘secretly’, that heads of state should take secret counsel from the open and public discussions of philosophers. In giving away this secret, even as he declares it to be a secret, Kant essentially repeats the gesture of revealing the violent origin of the state, shown in the ‘ Rechtslehre’ to be illegal, and in so doing condemns the philosopher at best to a kind of exile with respect to political time and space, a marginal place that is here aligned with the place of ‘ ius aequivocum’ addressed in the Appendix to the Introduction to the ‘ Rechtslehre’, where appeals to equity on the one hand and the right of necessity on the other are described as being inaudible in the system of public right. It is suggested that these marginal and equivocal places all show up an internal frontier in the transcendental account of public space, and that this frontier zone, the very place of politics, sets a limit to the prospects of Enlightenment itself. In conclusion, it is proposed that thinking through these problems would require less a turn toward ethics than a rereading of the concept of nature, on the basis of its Heraclitean penchant for hiding or veiling itself.

DIRECTIONS FOR PROVISION OF PUBLIC BODIES’ TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN CONDITIONS OF PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY DEVELOPMENT

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 144-154
Author(s):  
Olga Mykhailоvna Ivanitskaya
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Main Task ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Governance ◽  
Legislative Initiative ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Transparency And Accountability

The article is devoted to issues of ensuring transparency and ac- countability of authorities in the conditions of participatory democracy (democ- racy of participation). It is argued that the public should be guaranteed not only the right for access to information but also the prerequisites for expanding its par- ticipation in state governance. These prerequisites include: the adoption of clearly measurable macroeconomic and social goals and the provision of control of the processes of their compliance with the government by citizens of the country; ex- tension of the circle of subjects of legislative initiative due to realization of such rights by citizens and their groups; legislative definition of the forms of citizens’ participation in making publicly significant decisions, design of relevant orders and procedures, in particular participation in local referendum; outlining methods and procedures for taking into account social thought when making socially im- portant decisions. The need to disclose information about resources that are used by authorities to realize the goals is proved as well as key performance indicators that can be monitored by every citizen; the efforts made by governments of coun- tries to achieve these goals. It was noted that transparency in the conditions of representative democracy in its worst forms in a society where ignorance of the thought of society and its individual members is ignored does not in fact fulfill its main task — to establish an effective dialogue between the authorities and so- ciety. There is a distortion of the essence of transparency: instead of being heard, society is being asked to be informed — and passively accept the facts presented as due. In fact, transparency and accountability in this case are not instruments for the achievement of democracy in public administration, but by the form of a tacit agreement between the subjects of power and people, where the latter passes the participation of an “informed observer”.

Religious freedom and the ‘right to discriminate’ in the school admissions context: a neo-republican critique

Legal Studies ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eoin Daly ◽  
Tom Hickey
Keyword(s):  
Public Education ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Religious Discrimination ◽  
Religious Schools ◽  
The Public ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right ◽  
Republican Theory ◽  
Faith Schools

In law and discourse, it has typically been assumed that the religious freedom of state-funded religious schools must trump any competing right to non-discrimination on grounds of belief. For example, the Irish Constitution has been interpreted as requiring the broad exemption of denominational schools from the statutory prohibition on religious discrimination in school admissions. This stance is mirrored in the UK Equality Act 2010. Thus, religious discrimination in the public education context has been rationalised with reference to a ‘liberty-equality dichotomy’, which prioritises the integrity of faith schools' ‘ethos’, as an imperative of religious freedom. We argue that this familiar conceptual dichotomy generates a novel set of absurdities in this peculiar context. We suggest that the construction of religious freedom and non-discrimination as separate and antagonistic values rests on a conceptually flawed definition of religious freedom itself, which overlooks the necessary dependence of religious freedom on non-discrimination. Furthermore, it overstates the necessity, to religious freedom, of religious schools' ‘right to discriminate’. We argue for an alternative ordering of the values of religious freedom and non-discrimination – which we locate within the neo-republican theory of freedom as non-domination.

Tautas deju definēšanas problemātika mūsdienās Latvijā

2021 ◽  
pp. 94-104
Author(s):  
Elīna Gailīte
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Folk Dance ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
Cultural Space ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Adaptation Field ◽  
Time Of Origin

The article “Problems of defining folk dance in Latvia today” examines the aspects that affect the current situation in Latvia, where folk dances are understood as both folk dances that have not been modified by choreographers, dances passed down through generations that can be danced every day, and stage folk dances, which are a type of art performed by folk dance ensembles, created by choreographers and dances adapted to the stage performance. The research aim is to identify and describe the problems that currently exist in the Latvian cultural space, where the definition of folk dances creates tension in the public space and ambiguous opinions among dancers. Nowadays, it is possible to identify such concepts as, for example, folk dance, ethnographic dance, authentic dance, traditional dance, folklore dance, folk dance, folk dance adaptation, field dance, folk ballet, etc. Consistent use of concepts is rarely seen in the documents and research of cultural policymakers and the historical and contemporary works of choreographers and researchers. Often they are only described in general terms. A survey conducted in 2019 shows that dancers consider stage folk dances to be folk dances, and often this separation of dances is not important for them. Another problem is the designation of folk dance ensembles where stage folk dance dancers are dancing. The term misleads; it suggests that folk dances are danced there. However, this designation is linked to its historical time of origin. It is not insignificant that the stage folk dance is more popular, more visible, and massively represented at the Song and Dance Festival. Thus, a part of the society associates it with our folk dances.

scholarly journals Redefining the political moment

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Arvanitakis
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
John Howard ◽  
Conservative Media ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
War Protest

On 16 February 2003, more than half a million people gathered in Sydney, Australia, as part of a global anti-war protest aimed at stopping the impending invasion of Iraq by the then US Administration. It is difficult to estimate how many millions marched on the coordinated protest, but it was by far the largest mobilization of a generation. Walking and chanting on the streets of Sydney that day, it seemed that a political moment was upon us. In a culture that rarely embraces large scale activism, millions around Australian demanded to be heard. The message was clear: if you do not hear us, we would be willing to bring down a government. The invasion went ahead, however, with the then Australian government, under the leadership of John Howard, being one of the loudest and staunchest supporters of the Bush Administrations drive to war. Within 18 months, anti-war activists struggled to have a few hundred participants take part in anti-Iraq war rallies, and the Howard Government was comfortably re-elected for another term. The political moment had come and gone, with both social commentators and many members of the public looking for a reason. While the conservative media was often the focus of analysis, this paper argues that in a time of late capitalism, the political moment is hollowed out by ‘Politics’ itself. That is to say, that formal political processes (or ‘Politics’) undermine the political practices that people participate in everyday (or ‘politics’). Drawing on an ongoing research project focusing on democracy and young people, I discuss how the concept of ’politics‘ has been destabilised and subsequently, the political moment has been displaced. This displacement has led to a re-definition of ‘political action’ and, I argue, the emergence of a different type of everyday politics.

scholarly journals Fatma Aliye Hanım: Gender Debates in Turkey

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-716
Author(s):  
Zeynep Direk
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Late Ottoman

Abstract This essay explores the late nineteenth and early twentieth Century gender debates in the late Ottoman Empire, and the early Republic of Turkey with a focus on Fatma Aliye’s presence in the public space, as the first Ottoman woman philosopher, novelist, and public intellectual. I choose to concentrate on her because of the important stakes of the gender debates of that period, and the ways in which they are echoed in the present can be effectively discussed by reflecting on the ways in which Fatma Aliye is read, presented, and received. In the first part of this paper, I talk about Fatma Aliye’s life and experience of her gender as a woman, and point to her key interests as a writer and philosopher. In the second part, I situate her in the political history of feminism during the Rearrangement Period (Tanzimat), the Second Constitutional Era (II. Meşrutiyet), and the institution of the modern Republic of Turkey. Lastly, in the third part, I discuss the diverse ways in which she is interpreted in contemporary Turkey. I explore the political impact of the reception of Fatma Aliye as an intellectual figure on the current gender debates in Turkey.

scholarly journals Simulation, Control and Desire. Urban Commons and Semi-Public Space Resilience in the Age of Augmented Transductive Territorial Production

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfredo Manfredini
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
External Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Spatial Production ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right ◽  
Urban Commons

Considering place-based participation a crucial factor for the development of sustainable and resilient cities in the post-digital turn age, this paper addresses the socio-spatial implications of the recent transformation of relationality networks. To understand the drivers of spatial claims emerged in conditions of digitally augmented spectacle and simulation, it focuses on changes occurring in key nodes of central urban public and semi-public spaces of rapidly developing cities. Firstly, it proposes a theoretical framework for the analysis of problems related to socio-spatial fragmentation, polarisation and segregation of urban commons subject to external control. Secondly, it discusses opportunities and criticalities emerging from a representational paradox depending on the ambivalence in the play of desire found in digitally augmented semi-public spaces. The discussion is structured to shed light on specific socio-spatial relational practices that counteract the dissipation of the “common worlds” caused by sustained processes of urban gentrification and homogenisation. The theoretical framework is developed from a comparative critical urbanism approach inspired by the right to the city and the right to difference, and elaborates on the discourse on sustainable development that informs the United Nations’ New Urban Agenda. The analysis focuses on how digitally augmented geographies reintroduce practices of participation and commoning that reassemble fragmented relational infrastructures and recombine translocal social, cultural and material elements. Empirical studies on the production of advanced simulative and transductive spatialities in places of enhanced consumption found in Auckland, New Zealand, ground the discussion. These provide evidence of the extent to which the agency of the augmented territorialisation forces reconstitutes inclusive and participatory systems of relationality. The concluding notes, speculating on the emancipatory potential found in these social laboratories, are a call for a radical redefinition of the approach to the problem of the urban commons. Such a change would improve the capacity of urbanism disciplines to adequately engage with the digital turn and efficaciously contribute to a maximally different spatial production that enhances and strengthens democracy and pluralism in the public sphere.

scholarly journals O Aberto: O Homem e o Animal de Giorgio Agamben – Uma Tentativa Hipertextual/The Open: The man and the animal of Giorgio Agamben - A hypertext attempt

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Cléber Ranieri Ribas de Almeida
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
The Public ◽  
Ex Ante ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
And Control ◽  
Manipulation And Control

O artigo se propõe elaborar uma exegese do livro O Aberto: o Homem e o Animal, de Giorgio Agamben, de maneira a expor o argumento central da obra bem como situar o autor na Filosofia Política contemporânea. Para Agamben, o aberto não se situa unicamente numa analítica fenomenológico-existencial do ser: politicamente, o lugar privilegiado de movimentação desse conceito situa-se especificamente na biofilosofia dos graus do orgânico. A definição desses graus torna-se cada vez mais imprecisa à medida em que se propõe distinguir o limite entre o que é o animal e o que é o humano. A inovação de Agamben na abordagem dessa questão, portanto, está no modo como ele politiza o tema do aberto e o situa numa zona estratégica entre a zoologia e as políticas do homem. A entificação do tema, o aberto, não é para o autor um índice de conspurcação cientificista; é, antes, um índice de incessante politização, isto é, realocação conceitual, modulação disciplinar e institucionalização jurídica. Agamben não quer apenas uma ciência da política, mas também uma política da ciência, entendendo a ciência como lugar soberano de mobilização, manipulação e controle dos corpos. Numa palavra, a ciência, especificamente, a biofilosofia e as ciências do homem, são legisladoras da decisão pública acerca do que é homem. E quem decide o que é o homem, decide ex ante, qual política e qual moral deve dispor sobre a ordem pública.Abstract: This paper aims to do an exegesis of Giorgio Agamben´s book The Open: the Man and the Animal, in order to expose its central point as well as to contextualize the author in Contemporary Political Philosophy. According to Agamben the open is not situated only in a phenomenological-existential analytics of being: politically the privileged place of that concept is specifically on the biophilosophy of organic grades. The definition of those grades becomes more and more imprecise as long as it aims to distinguish the limit between the man and the animal. The innovation of Agamben is the way how he politizes the subject of open and places it on a strategic zone between the zoology and the politics of man. Agamen does not want only a science of the political, but alson a politics of science by understanding the science as a sovereign place of mobilization, manipulation, and control of bodies. In a word, the science, especially the biophilosophy and the human sciences, are legislators of public decision about what man is. And who decides what the man is, do it ex ante which politics and which moral should rule over the public order. Keywords: Agamben, mankind, animal, biophilosophy.

Collective conflict in the public sector in France

2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 688-700
Author(s):  
Marie-Armelle Souriac
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Public Enterprises ◽  
Roles And Responsibilities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The right to strike has been recognised in France, even as a right guaranteed by the Constitution, since 1946. Strikes in the public sector are subject to specific legal regulation, including requirements for minimum notice periods and, in some circumstances, minimum service requirements. This contribution examines these special legal features of public-sector strikes. It is necessary to clarify the respective roles and responsibilities of the management of public enterprises (or administrative authorities) and the government. The article also considers alternative (and new) forms of collective action and agreements. In the future there may well be even greater scope for the regulation of strikes to be covered by collective bargaining.

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