Dangerous neighborhoods: State behavior and the spread of ethnic conflict

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 447-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita Konaev ◽  
Kirstin J.H. Brathwaite
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Probit Model ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
State Action ◽  
Bivariate Probit Model ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
International Borders

This article argues that the spread of ethnic conflict across international borders is a result of purposive repressive state action combined with political opportunity which allows the ethnic group to mobilize in response. We test our argument using a bivariate probit model to simultaneously estimate the risk of repression escalation and the spread of ethnic conflict (1976–2009), and find that the likelihood of both increases in the presence of relatively large, territorially concentrated transnational ethnic groups, and that nationalist governments are more likely to escalate repression amidst nearby ethnic violence. Political crises also exacerbate the risk of ethnic conflict spread.

Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society: India and Beyond

2001 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 362-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashutosh Varshney
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
The People

Scholars have worked either on civil society or on ethnic conflict, but no systematic attempt has yet been made to connect the two. In an attempt to explore the possible links, this article makes two interconnected arguments. First, interethnic and intraethnic networks of civic engagement play very different roles in ethnic conflict. Because they build bridges and manage tensions, interethnic networks are agents of peace. But if communities are organized only along intraethnic lines and the interconnections with other communities are very weak (or do not exist), ethnic violence is then quite likely. Second, civic networks, both intra- and interethnic, can also be broken down into two other types: associational forms of engagement and everyday forms of engagement. This distinction is based on whether civic interaction is formal or not. Both forms of engagement, if robust, promote peace: contrariwise, their absence or weakness opens up space for ethnic violence. Of the two, however, the associational forms turn out to be sturdier than everyday engagement, especially when confronted with attempts by politicians to polarize the people along ethnic lines. Both arguments have significance for theories of ethnic conflict and social capital.

Baptists against Racism and Ethnic Conflict… Worldwide!

2012 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-118
Author(s):  
Denton Lotz
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Martin Luther ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Baptist Church ◽  
International Summit ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Prophetic Witness ◽  
Martin Luther King ◽  
General Secretary

One of the most significant and rewarding experiences for me during my tenure as general secretary of the Baptist World Alliance was to sponsor an International Summit on Baptists against Racism and Ethnic Conflict. This significant summit was held from January 8 – 11, 1999, in the historic Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia, Martin Luther King Jr.'s home church. At this summit we learned of the tragedy of racism worldwide. We learned that we needed to expand our definition of racism to include ethnic violence. We came as Christians and discovered the power of Christ to bring reconciliation and unity. The latter part of this article will review some of the horrific examples of racism and ethnic conflict worldwide. We will also celebrate the prophetic witness of many Baptist congregations worldwide in fighting against racism and ethnic violence.

Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka through Constitutional Arrangements

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Ilam Khan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
History Of

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.

DETERMINANTS OF AWARENESS AND WILLINGNESS TO PAY FOR MORINGA LEAVE AS VEGETABLE IN SOUTH WEST NIGERIA

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-54
Author(s):  
T. O. OYEKALE
Keyword(s):  
Willingness To Pay ◽  
Moringa Oleifera ◽  
Probit Model ◽  
Sampling Procedure ◽  
Bivariate Probit Model ◽  
Recursive Bivariate Probit ◽  
South West ◽  
The Mean ◽  
Multistage Sampling ◽  
Calcium Iron

Moringa oleifera is a nutritious tree plant that has several uses. Moringa leaves contain Vitamin A, Vitamin C, Calcium, Iron, Potassium, and it has good quality protein.  Moringa leave could be used in treating malnutrition. It also contains antioxidants which could help in treating certain diseases. This study examined the factors influencing awareness and willingness to pay for moringa. A multistage sampling procedure was used in selecting the respondents.  Data were analyzed using Recursive Bivariate Probit Model. The result shows that mean age of respondents was 44 years and the mean household size was 5. The result further revealed that 80.5 percent of the respondents were aware of moringa while 80.1 percent were willing to pay for moringa. The result of the model of awareness of moringa revealed that awareness increases willingness to pay for moringa (p<0.01). The factors that influences awareness were age and occupation of the respondents, knowledge of the nutritive benefits of moringa, perception of respondents that moringa vegetable is too expensive and respondents preference for other vegetable while the factors that influences willingness to pay for moringa were occupation of the respondents, knowledge of other uses of moringa, respondents perception that moringa vegetable is sweet,  non availability of fresh moringa vegetable and respondents preference for other vegetable. There is need to increase the awareness of nutritive benefits of moringa vegetable and encourage the availability of fresh moringa foe sale in the local markets.  

scholarly journals Analyzing Determining Factors of Young Graduates’ Decision to Stay in Lagged Regions

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 3094 ◽  
Author(s):  
Youngjin Woo ◽  
Euijune Kim
Keyword(s):  
College Graduates ◽  
High School Graduates ◽  
Sample Selection ◽  
Probit Model ◽  
Spatial Choice ◽  
Bivariate Probit Model ◽  
Determining Factors ◽  
Home Village ◽  
Decision To Stay

This study identifies what factors have effects on college graduates’ decisions to stay for jobs in lagged regions using a bivariate probit model with sample selection. The results show that strong preferences for a home village and a university region contribute to the decision about job location concerning the regions. In addition, low living costs have much significant impact on spatial choice compared with economic factors, such as the levels of wage and job security. The long-term economic growth of lagged regions could be affected by a preference of high-school graduates to attend local universities.

The Language of the Unheard? Ethno-Political Exclusion and Ethnic Riots in Africa

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Abbs
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Systematic Research ◽  
Low Intensity ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Close Proximity ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Data Capturing

Abstract Ethnic riots are sporadic and localized incidents of low-intensity violence, with civilians from one ethnic group engaging in vicious attacks on a rival ethnic group. While systematic research on ethnic violence has almost exclusively focused on organized armed conflict, comparably little quantitative research has considered the causes of low-intensity ethnic violence. Building on existing case-based research on inequality and ethnic riots, this article argues that ethnic rioting can be explained by collective motivations for group violence that emerge from highly unequal local ethno-political configurations, where politically dominant groups coexist with groups that are discriminated or have recently lost political power. To test this argument, the article deploys a spatially disaggregated analysis of all African states between 1990 and 2008, combining new dyadic data capturing the location of ethnic riots with disaggregated grid-level data on ethno-political representation. I find ethnic riots are more likely to occur in discriminated group areas, in locations where a group has recently lost political representation and where such groups live in close proximity of politically dominant groups.

Rejection of Radical Nationalism in Wartime Yugoslavia: The Case of Tuzla (1990–1995)

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-69
Author(s):  
Goran Filic
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Causal Mechanisms ◽  
Path Dependent ◽  
The City ◽  
Radical Nationalism

The article identifies causal mechanisms that help explain why the city of Tuzla managed to reject and avoid inter-ethnic conflict and radical nationalism during the wars of the 1990s in the former Yugoslavia. Despite the overwhelming odds of being surrounded by vicious ethnic fighting and relentless nationalist attacks, the city of Tuzla protected and sustained peace in its borders. This research provides some explanations as to why Tuzla managed to survive radical nationalism and fragmentation during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. The article concludes that Tuzla's success was path dependent and its ability to reject violent nationalism revolved around Tuzla's identity of traditionally working class, anti-nationalist, anti-fascist forces around which Tuzla's citizens rallied. This helped elect the only non-ethnic political leadership in the country during the first multiparty municipal elections, and also actively protected citizens’ democratic choice against nationalist attempts to foster ethnic mobilisation and ethnic violence.

Economic Liberalization via IMF Structural Adjustment: Sowing the Seeds of Civil War?

2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline A. Hartzell ◽  
Matthew Hoddie ◽  
Molly Bauer
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Probit Model ◽  
Economic Liberalization ◽  
Economic Openness ◽  
Endogeneity Bias ◽  
Bivariate Probit Model ◽  
Structural Adjustment Programs ◽  
Imf Programs ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractPrevious studies that have explored the effects of economic liberalization on civil war have employed aggregate measures of openness and have failed to account for potential endogeneity bias. In this research note, we suggest two improvements to the study of the relationship between liberalization and civil war. First, emphasizing that it is processes that systematically create new economic winners and losers rather than particular levels of economic openness that have the potential to generate conflict, we consider the effects of one oft-used means of liberalizing economies: the adoption by countries of International Monetary Fund (IMF) structural adjustment programs. Second, we use a bivariate probit model to address issues of endogeneity bias. Analyzing all data available for the period between 1970 and 1999, we identify an association between the adoption of IMF programs and the onset of civil war. This finding suggests that IMF programs to promote economic openness unintentionally may be creating an environment conducive to domestic conflict.

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