scholarly journals Moldova: Results of the Parliamentary Elections

Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

According to the results of the early parliamentary elections – 2021 in Moldova, the pro-presidential right-wing Action and Solidarity Party (PAS) won. For the first time in the history of the republic, the right-wing party won an absolute majority in the parliament. As a result, the consolidated power of the right-wing pro-European forces has been established in the country, which may mean a change in its geopolitical course.

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbuzeni Mathenjwa

The history of local government in South Africa dates back to a time during the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910. With regard to the status of local government, the Union of South Africa Act placed local government under the jurisdiction of the provinces. The status of local government was not changed by the formation of the Republic of South Africa in 1961 because local government was placed under the further jurisdiction of the provinces. Local government was enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa arguably for the first time in 1993. Under the interim Constitution local government was rendered autonomous and empowered to regulate its affairs. Local government was further enshrined in the final Constitution of 1996, which commenced on 4 February 1997. The Constitution refers to local government together with the national and provincial governments as spheres of government which are distinctive, interdependent and interrelated. This article discusses the autonomy of local government under the 1996 Constitution. This it does by analysing case law on the evolution of the status of local government. The discussion on the powers and functions of local government explains the scheme by which government powers are allocated, where the 1996 Constitution distributes powers to the different spheres of government. Finally, a conclusion is drawn on the legal status of local government within the new constitutional dispensation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-362
Author(s):  
Myungji Yang

Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.


Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 510-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec

In the 2017 Czech parliamentary election, the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) gained 10.79% of the votes – an unprecedented success, compared to most of the pirate parties across Europe. However, as their electoral gain varies widely across the Czech Republic’s territory, this article analyses all (more than 6000) Czech municipalities in the elections of 2010, 2013, and 2017 to explain this variation. Overall, the success of the Pirates was driven especially by obtaining much more support in larger municipalities with younger populations (although not only those aged 18–24 but also older ones), lower unemployment, higher turnout, and lower support for leftist parties. Thus, from a spatial perspective, the patterns of Pirate voting largely resembled long-term spatial support for Czech rightist parties and we can conclude that the Pirates made considerable inroads to regions which had historically been strongholds of the Civic Democratic Party, as the former main party of the right, but also strongholds of minor right-wing (‘liberal centre’) parties of the 1990s and early 2000s. Success of the Pirates thus was based especially on votes from municipalities located in more developed areas, where the Pirates received many more votes than in structurally disadvantaged regions.


Author(s):  
Luigi Capogrossi Colognesi

This chapter gives a rapid overview of the history of Roman public and private institutions, from their early beginning in the semi-legendary age of the kings to the later developments of the Imperial age. A turning point has been the passage from the kingdom to the republic and the new foundation of citizenship on family wealth, instead of the exclusiveness of clan and lineages. But still more important has been the approval of the written legislation of the XII Tables giving to all citizens a sufficient knowledge of the Roman legal body of consuetudinary laws. From that moment, Roman citizenship was identified with personal freedom and the rule of law. Following political and military success, between the end of IV and the first half of III century bce Rome was capable of imposing herself as the central power in Italy and the western Mediterranean. From that moment Roman hegemony was exercised on a growing number of cities and local populations, organized in the form of Roman of Latin colonies or as Roman municipia. Only in the last century bce were these different statutes unified with the grant of Roman citizenship to all Italians. In this same period the Roman civil law, which was applied to private litigants by the Roman praetors, had become a very complex and sophisticated system of rules. With the empire the system did not change abruptly, although the Princeps did concentrate in his hands the last power of the judiciary and became the unique source of new legislation. In that way, for the first time, the Roman legal system was founded on rational and coherent schemes, becoming a model, which Antiquity transmitted to the late medieval Europe.


Problemos ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 131-154
Author(s):  
Skirmantas Jankauskas

Straipsnyje aptariama filosofijai pamatinė būties problema. Tyrimo atspirties tašku pasirinkta Parmenido poema, kurioje bene pirmą kartą vakarietiškoje filosofavimo tradicijoje būtis ne tik paminima, bet ir pagrindžiama. Parodoma, kad logiškai patrauklūs poemos antrosios dalies svarstymai ne tik nepagrindžia būties aptikimo būdo, bet ir neteikia nuorodų jos turiniui apibrėžti. Papildomų užuominų aptiktoms problemoms spręsti ieškoma platoniškai interpretuojant paprastai ignoruojamą Parmenido poemos mįslingąją pradžią. Interpretuojant tą pradžią kaip būties atradimo kontekstą, joje minimas žirgų traukiamas vežimaitis susiejamas su Faidro dvikinke, o kelionė link Nakties ir Dienos vartų – su Puotos „teisinguoju keliu“. Tačiau pagrindinis dėmesys telkiamas mėginant paaiškinti parmenidiškąją nuorodą, kad vartus, atveriančius tiesioginę būties pažinimo prieigą, saugo Teisingumas. Daroma prielaida, kad Platonas pasinaudoja šia nuoroda konstruodamas teisingumo požiūriu tobulą polinę sąrangą. Faidre nenusisekus teoriškai temizuoti dorybę, Platonas pasmerkia teoriją įkūnijantį raštą dėl jo ribotumo asimiliuojant filosofui rūpimus etinius turinius, tačiau savo užmačios neatsisako. Tariama, kad Politejoje Platonas mėgina temizuoti dorybę susiedamas ją su teorijai tiesiogiai prieinamu teisingumu. Siekdamas persmelkti teisingumą dorybe, Platonas net priverstas doriškai tobulą filosofą padaryti valdovu. Ir nors Politejoje teoriškai temizuoti dorybės nepavyksta, tačiau tobulo teisingumo konstravimo veiksmas apnuogina būties prigimtį, t. y. jos sąlygotumą gėrio vertybe. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: būtis, dorybė, teisingumas, teorija, tiesa, grožis, gėris, sociumas.Parmenides: Justice as a Clue to the Nature of BeingSkirmantas Jankauskas SummaryThe paper deals with the fundamental problem of philosophy – the problem of being. The research begins with the analysis of the famous poem of Parmenides where, for the first time in the Western tradition of philosophy, the being, apart from being just mentioned, is also provided with a logical foundation. It is demonstrated here that the logically attractive considerations of the second part of the poem both fail to substantiate the discovery of the being and give no hints about its content. The way to deal with the above mentioned problems is found in the typically ignored beginning of the poem. Clues for the explication of the mysterious proem are sought in some Plato’s dialogues. The chariot drawn by steeds in Parmenides’ poem is associated with the representation of the soul as a charioteer driving two steeds in Plato’s Phaedrus, and the ride towards the gates of Night and Day is associated with the concept of the “right way” in Plato’s Symposium respectively. However, attention is focused on Parmenides’ reference that the gate dividing Night and Day is guarded by Justice. An assumption is made that Plato exploits this reference while constructing his ideally just state. Failing to theoretically thematize virtue in Phaedrus, Plato blames writing which incorporates theory for its inability to assimilate the ethical content, but refuses to abandon this undertaking. It is supposed that in The Republic Plato continues his effort of theoretical thematization of virtue by trying to relate the latter to justice which is directly accessible by theory. In striving to enable justice to embrace the content of virtue, Plato is even compelled to make a virtueincorporating philosopher preside over his ideal state. Nonetheless, Plato fails to reach his direct objective in The Republic. However, the action of constructing ideal justice quite unexpectedly reveals the origin of being, i.e. its subordination to the Good.Keywords: being, virtue, justice, theory, truth, the beautiful, the good, society.


Author(s):  
Donald Cohen

This chapter focuses on the right wing's astonishingly successful efforts to privatize public goods and services. Privatization has been one of the highest priorities of the right wing for many years, and the chapter shows how it threatens both labor and democracy. Intentionally blurring the lines between public and private institutions, private companies and market forces undermine the common good. This chapter documents the history of privatization in the United States, from President Reagan's early efforts to Clinton and Gore's belief in private markets. Showing how privatization undermines democratic government, the chapter describes complex contracts that are difficult to understand, poorly negotiated “public–private partnership” deals, and contracts that provide incentives to deny public services. With huge amounts of money at stake, privateers are increasingly weighing in on policy debates—not based on the public interest but rather in pursuit of avenues that increase their revenues, profits, and market share. Privatization not only destroys union jobs but also aims to cripple union political involvement so that the corporate agenda can spread unfettered. Nevertheless, community-based battles against privatization have succeeded in many localities, demonstrating the power of fighting back to defend public services, public jobs, and democratic processes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliia Sablina

Abstract Starting from 2015, the Russian-speaking residents in Germany have expressed their anti-refugee position in the form of rallies and rising voting support for the right-wing populist party, Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Due to the absence of social cues, unlimited space, immediate responses, and minimal censorship online, platforms for communication have reflected the offline mobilization and became the major platforms for the spreadability of discriminatory discourse. This article sets out to investigate why Russian-speaking internet users residing in Germany justify anti-refugee discourse and how they construct the notion of “others.” Based on the netnographic analysis of the chosen online discussions and conducted interviews with its members, this article argues that, with the appearance of new “others,” Russian-speaking migrants have redefined their symbolic boundaries in order to draw the line between the incoming migrants and themselves—people with a migrant background. In many ways, participants of the analyzed discussions employed the politicized civilizational rhetoric that allowed them to redefine existing categorizations. This research explores, for the first time, the reasons lying behind the online populist activity of the Russian-speaking residents in Germany.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Rangel ◽  
Eneida Vinhaes Dultra

In October 2018, Brazil held general elections in which new senators, federal representatives, state representatives, governors, and the new president of the republic were chosen. The singularity of the context surrounding the elections is evident: the call occurred two years after a presidential impeachment linked to a state coup which consolidated the ascent of populist forces from the right and which initiated a series of regressions in social rights, criminalization of progressive activism, and increase of police violence. As a result, in the presidential elections, populist candidates and discourses of hate became popular, targeting historically marginalized social groups within the country (women, African-Brazilians, LGBTQIs – Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, Queers, Intersex – working class, rural communities, and the indigenous populations). This essay examines the presidential proposals or positions towards the aforementioned groups, paying particular attention to speeches of right-populist candidates, especially those made by Jair Bolsonaro, chosen in a runoff election.


1991 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Loewenberg

Karl Renner's political life encompasses the history of Austria's empire and her two twentieth-century republics, making him the foremost leader of Austrian democratic politics. Renner was also the most innovative theoretician on the nationalities question which plagued the Habsburg monarchy and the twentieth-century world. He was chancellor of Austria's first republic, leader of the right-wing Social Democrats, and president of the post-World War II Second Republic. A study of his life and politics offers a perspective on the origins of the moderate, adaptive, political personality and on the tension between ideology and accommodation to the point where it is difficult to determine what core of principle remained.


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