Aspiring, Ambivalent, Assertive: Bulgarian Middle-Class Subjectivities and Boundary Work through Migration

2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 505-528
Author(s):  
Polina Manolova

This article investigates the subjectivities of a group of aspiring middle-class Bulgarians and their boundary work in the context of their migrations to the United Kingdom. Drawing on Lamont’s critique of Bourdieu’s theory on class formation and reproduction, it shows how people from underprivileged social backgrounds can lay claims to middleclassness by strategically drawing on cultural and moral markers of distinction revolving around the notions of “civilization,” “culturedness,” and the “West.” The adoption of such narratives and their enactment in the cultivation of personal attributes, however, fails to guarantee full-fledged middle-class membership for people who lack the necessary economic and social capital. Thus, boundary-building becomes the key mechanism for negotiating ambivalent middle-class subjectivities and rejecting objectively assigned positions in the social structure. The article traces the emergence of ideal-type models of middle-class belonging since 1989, their adoption by aspirational middle-class people, and the boundary work and self-differentiation by which they try to reassert their superior status both before during and after their migrations to the UK. It concludes that the observed everyday processes of group classification through the defining of and distancing from cultural, moral, and racial “others” reproduces class antagonisms that preclude a more critical understanding of the discontents of Bulgaria’s capitalist transition.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nando Sigona ◽  
Jotaro Kato ◽  
Irina Kuznetsova

AbstractThe article examines the migration infrastructures and pathways through which migrants move into, through and out of irregular status in Japan and the UK and how these infrastructures uniquely shape their migrant experiences of irregularity at key stages of their migration projects.Our analysis brings together two bodies of migration scholarship, namely critical work on the social and legal production of illegality and the impact of legal violence on the lives of immigrants with precarious legal status, and on the role of migration infrastructures in shaping mobility pathways.Drawing upon in-depth qualitative interviews with irregular and precarious migrants in Japan and the UK collected over a ten-year period, this article develops a three-pronged analysis of the infrastructures of irregularity, focusing on infrastructures of entry, settlement and exit, casting a comparative light on the mechanisms that produce precarious and expendable migrant lives in relation to access to labour and labour conditions, access and quality of housing and law enforcement, and how migrants adapt, cope, resist or eventually are overpowered by them.


Author(s):  
John Chandler ◽  
Elisabeth Berg ◽  
Marion Ellison ◽  
Jim Barry

This chapter discusses the contemporary position of social work in the United Kingdom, and in particular the challenges to what is seen as a managerial-technicist version of social work. The chapter begins with focus on the situation from the 1990s to the present day in which this version of social work takes root and flourishes. The discussion then concentrates on three different routes away from a managerial-technicist social work: the first, reconfiguring professional practice in the direction of evaluation in practice, the second ‘reclaiming social work’ on the Hackney relationship-based model and the third ‘reclaiming social work’ in a more radical, highly politicised way. Special attention is devoted to a discussion about how much autonomy the social workers have in different models, but also what kind of autonomy and for what purpose.


2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Bloch

Convention status accords refugees social and economic rights and security of residence in European countries of asylum. However, the trend in Europe has been to prevent asylum seekers reaching its borders, to reduce the rights of asylum seekers in countries of asylum and to use temporary protection as a means of circumventing the responsibility of long-term resettlement. This paper will provide a case study of the United Kingdom. It will examine the social and economic rights afforded to different statuses in the areas of social security, housing, employment and family reunion. It will explore the interaction of social and economic rights and security of residence on the experiences of those seeking protection. Drawing on responses to the crisis in Kosovo and on data from a survey of 180 refugees and asylum seekers in London it will show the importance of Convention status and the rights and security the status brings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Mosse

AbstractCaste has always generated political and scholarly controversy, but the forms that this takes today newly combine anti-caste activism with counter-claims that caste is irrelevant or non-existent, or claims to castelessness. Claims to castelessness are, in turn, viewed by some as a new disguise for caste power and privilege, while castlessness is also an aspiration for people subject to caste-based discrimination. This article looks at elite claims to “enclose” caste within religion, specifically Hinduism, and the Indian nation so as to restrict the field of social policy that caste applies to, to exempt caste-based discrimination from the law, and to limit the social politics of caste. It does so through a comparative analysis of two cases. The first is the exclusion of Christian and Muslim Dalits—members of castes subordinated as “untouchable”—from provisions and protections as Scheduled Castes in India. The other case is that of responses to the introduction of caste into anti-discrimination law in the UK. While Hindu organizations in the UK reject “caste” as a colonial and racist term and deploy postcolonial scholarship to deny caste discrimination, Dalit organizations, representing its potential victims, turn to scholarly discourse on caste, race, or human rights to support their cause. These are epistemological disputes about categories of description and how “the social” is made available for public debate, and especially for law. Such disputes engage with anthropology, whose analytical terms animate and change the social world that is their subject.


2011 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 187-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Cameron

Social pedagogy is a field of professional practice associated with the care and education of young children, support of young people, and with family support that has an established place in many continental European countries. It has attracted attention in the United Kingdom (UK) for its potential relevance to the policy ambition of improving the generally poor educational and social outcomes for young people in public care. In this article, I discuss some issues arising from the task of establishing the value, or effectiveness, of the social pedagogic approach. Using findings from cross-national studies, I argue that there are various problems with measuring the ‘effectiveness’ of social pedagogy, but that in countries where social pedagogy is well established and supported by a policy and cultural context, its role in supporting children and families is highly valued. I conclude by considering some implications for the introduction of social pedagogy into the UK.


Sexualities ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 136346072094458
Author(s):  
Ralf Lottmann ◽  
Andrew King

What happens when lesbian and gay people, who are more likely to be childless and single than their heterosexual peers, get older and need support and care? Who can they turn to? In addressing this question, this article draws on data collected as part of a wider project concerning the housing preferences, experiences and concerns of older LGBT people in the United Kingdom. The article explores the social networks that older lesbian and gay people expect to utilise later in life if they require different forms of care. It uses social capital theory and considers the role of ‘families of choice’ in older lesbian and gay people’s lives, questioning whether such bonds may or may not be useful for different forms of care and support older lesbian and gay people may require late in life.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1492-1509
Author(s):  
Igbinakhase Idahosa

This chapter critically examines social value creation in societies focusing on the “shared value” theory and stakeholders' “collective responsibility” hinged on social responsibility. The social value creation process is reviewed from the social entrepreneurship perspective considering the essential business/social inputs required to create social value for the business and the host society. The United Kingdom (UK) is used as a case study, depicting factors shaping the business environment. Other current meaningful developments, which include the Social Value Act 2012 that promotes social value creation in the country, are discussed. An analysis of the UK model of social value creation and why it will be difficult to implement in developing countries is also provided. Constraints such as poor infrastructure, corruption and other limiting factors are considered. Finally, social value creation is a sustainable process and every stakeholder benefits from its outcomes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (8-9) ◽  
pp. 679-699
Author(s):  
Heinz Stapf-Finé

Zusammenfassung Vor dem Hintergrund einer zunehmenden Politikverdrossenheit und des aufkommenden Rechtspopulismus werden mögliche Ursachen der Entstehung antidemokratischer Haltungen überprüft. Vorgestellt werden quantitative Befunde einer empirischen Überprüfung im Rahmen eines Forschungsprojekts im Berliner Bezirk Marzahn-Hellersdorf. Hinsichtlich soziodemografischer Daten entsprechen die Befunde den Erwartungen: Menschen, die der Demokratie distanziert gegenüberstehen, haben häufiger Erfahrungen mit Arbeitslosigkeit im Vergleich mit Zufriedenen. Gleichgültigkeit und Distanz gegenüber der Demokratie ist eher bei Menschen mit niedrigen Bildungsabschlüssen zu finden. Bei Gutverdienern und der Mittelschicht überwiegen eindeutig positive Grundhaltungen gegenüber der Demokratie, bei Geringverdienern halten sich positive und negative Haltungen nur noch die Waage. Insofern muss die soziale Frage in der politischen Debatte wieder auf die Tagesordnung. Überraschend sind die Befunde hinsichtlich autoritärer Haltungen und menschenfeindlicher Einstellungen: es sind nicht die Demokratie-Distanzierten, sondern eher die Unpolitischen, welche solche Haltungen an den Tag legen. Daraus ergeben sich wichtige (sozial-)politische Befunde für die Praxis und die politische Bildung. Abstract: Causes for the Development of Antidemocratic Attitudes. Selected Quantitative Findings On the background of increasing disenchantment in politics and increasing right wing populism possible causes for antidemocratic attitudes are examined. In the paper quantitative findings of an empirical research project in the Berlin district of Marzahn-Hellersdorf are presented regarding the causes of such attitudes. Concerning socio-demographical factors the results correspond with the expectations. People that are distant towards democracy have more experiences with unemployment as compared with people that are satisfied with democracy. Indifference or distance towards democracy can more often be found among people with a lower educational level. Among higher earners and middle-class people positive attitudes towards democracy prevail. Poor earners are split in positive and negative attitudes towards democracy. These findings underline the neeed that the social question must get more importance in political discussions. Surprising were the findings concerning authoritarian and inhumane (racist) attitudes: it is less the democracy distant and to a much bigger extent the unpolitical people that are prone to such attitudes. This implies important findings for practical (social) politics and for civic education.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-272
Author(s):  
Maria Burke

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to outline an early adopter “low energy” domestic dwelling, one of the social houses built by a collaboration between a university, the local council. The origins of this project are from the early days of interest in sustainable housing, the 1970s. The dwellings were innovative and built to what became known as “the Salford design” which performed to unusual specifications, using approximately 75 per cent less energy than the UK average for space heating and over 40 per cent less than for houses built to what were then the standard building regulations. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative and interpretative stance was deemed to be the most appropriate. Within that lens, interviews were chosen as the primary research instrument. Findings A marked feature of the results is the variation in energy consumption by different households. A Salford-designed house could be habitable throughout the year without any space heating at all, comfortable at 10 per cent and very comfortable at 25 per cent of normal consumption. Originality/value As there continues to be interest and commitment to reducing energy – not just from the United Kingdom but also on a worldwide scale – the United Nations Conference of the Parties known as COP 22 (2016) met in Morocco to take forward many of the initiatives outlined in the Paris Agreement 2015. It is of interest, then, that the latest set of interviews showed that the houses built to the innovative and original 1970s’ Salford design principles, protected by highly insulated well-sealed envelopes, are even presently functioning at a relatively low energy threshold.


2021 ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
Tomasz Mering

The article presents the origins and evolution of social policy programmes in Scotland since the referendum in 1997. Regional authorities in Scotland obtained significant prerogatives in payment of social benefits. They actively exercised the rights granted by the UK legislation, resulting in the partial decentralisation of the social security system in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has become a fact. This decentralisation is not complete, because the administration of pensions, and unemployment benefits remains the sole responsibility of London’s central government. One of the features of British social policy has become territorial asymmetry, consisting of partially different programs and social policy institutions in other parts of the UK. The most important effect of the reforms is the creation of institutions and draft social policy programs that can be put into effect, when the process of political emancipation in Scotland will lead to a new regional referendum.


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