Ursachen für die Entstehung antidemokratischer Haltungen. Ausgewählte quantitative Ergebnisse

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (8-9) ◽  
pp. 679-699
Author(s):  
Heinz Stapf-Finé
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Educational Level ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Social Question ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Middle Class People

Zusammenfassung Vor dem Hintergrund einer zunehmenden Politikverdrossenheit und des aufkommenden Rechtspopulismus werden mögliche Ursachen der Entstehung antidemokratischer Haltungen überprüft. Vorgestellt werden quantitative Befunde einer empirischen Überprüfung im Rahmen eines Forschungsprojekts im Berliner Bezirk Marzahn-Hellersdorf. Hinsichtlich soziodemografischer Daten entsprechen die Befunde den Erwartungen: Menschen, die der Demokratie distanziert gegenüberstehen, haben häufiger Erfahrungen mit Arbeitslosigkeit im Vergleich mit Zufriedenen. Gleichgültigkeit und Distanz gegenüber der Demokratie ist eher bei Menschen mit niedrigen Bildungsabschlüssen zu finden. Bei Gutverdienern und der Mittelschicht überwiegen eindeutig positive Grundhaltungen gegenüber der Demokratie, bei Geringverdienern halten sich positive und negative Haltungen nur noch die Waage. Insofern muss die soziale Frage in der politischen Debatte wieder auf die Tagesordnung. Überraschend sind die Befunde hinsichtlich autoritärer Haltungen und menschenfeindlicher Einstellungen: es sind nicht die Demokratie-Distanzierten, sondern eher die Unpolitischen, welche solche Haltungen an den Tag legen. Daraus ergeben sich wichtige (sozial-)politische Befunde für die Praxis und die politische Bildung. Abstract: Causes for the Development of Antidemocratic Attitudes. Selected Quantitative Findings On the background of increasing disenchantment in politics and increasing right wing populism possible causes for antidemocratic attitudes are examined. In the paper quantitative findings of an empirical research project in the Berlin district of Marzahn-Hellersdorf are presented regarding the causes of such attitudes. Concerning socio-demographical factors the results correspond with the expectations. People that are distant towards democracy have more experiences with unemployment as compared with people that are satisfied with democracy. Indifference or distance towards democracy can more often be found among people with a lower educational level. Among higher earners and middle-class people positive attitudes towards democracy prevail. Poor earners are split in positive and negative attitudes towards democracy. These findings underline the neeed that the social question must get more importance in political discussions. Surprising were the findings concerning authoritarian and inhumane (racist) attitudes: it is less the democracy distant and to a much bigger extent the unpolitical people that are prone to such attitudes. This implies important findings for practical (social) politics and for civic education.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet O'Shea
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Public Health Problem ◽  
Fair Play ◽  
Competitive Sports ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
Physical Play ◽  
The World ◽  
Right Wing Populism

This section contends with a central irony: Americans are among the most competitive people in the world, and yet we are among the least likely to play competitive sports in adulthood. This exercise gap is usually treated as a public health problem; the goal of this section is to treat it as a social and cultural concern. The conclusion therefore investigates the social and political implications of an American tendency to outsource physical play to experts: higher levels of fear, increased preoccupation with success at all costs, decreased creativity, and increasing rigidity of perspective and position. Specifically, the conclusion maintains that a neglect of fair play has dire consequences for democracy, a suggestion born out by the recent swing toward right-wing populism in politics.

Die Macht der Bilder und Bilder der Macht: die sprachliche Konstruktion von Nationalismus und Konservatismus in der strategischen politischen Kommunikation von Vox España

2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-566
Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert
Keyword(s):  
Language Use ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Multimodal Discourse ◽  
The Social ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractFrom a theoretical and empirical linguistic point of view, this paper emphasizes the importance of the relationship between populism and the media. The aim of this article is to explore the language use of the Spanish right wing populism party Vox on the basis of its multimodal postings on the social network Instagram. For the analysis of their Instagram account, a suitable multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) provides a variety of methods and allows a theoretical integration into constructivism. A hashtag-analysis reveals that Vox’s ideology consists of a nativist and ethnocentric nationalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other. With a topos analysis, the linguistic realisations of these core elements are illustrated with two case studies.

scholarly journals Varieties of populism

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 382-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Tushnet
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Social ◽  
Core Components ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Late Twentieth Century ◽  
International Social

AbstractContemporary discussions of populism elide important distinctions between the ways in which populist leaders and movements respond to the failures of elites to follow through on the promises associated with international social welfare constitutionalism. After laying out the political economy of populisms’ origins, this Article describes the relation between populisms and varieties of liberalism, and specifically the relation between populisms and judicial independence understood as a “veto point” occupied by the elites that populists challenge. It then distinguishes left-wing populisms’ acceptance of the social welfare commitments of late twentieth century liberalism and its rejection of some settled constitutional arrangements that, in populists’ views, obstruct the accomplishment of those commitments. It concludes with a description of the core ethnonationalism of right-wing populism, which sometimes contingently appears in left-wing populisms but is not one the latter’s core components.

Canada voting system will hinder right-wing populism

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Business Leadership ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Voting System ◽  
Right Wing Populism

Significance Trudeau’s government has been held up as a bulwark of liberalism given the surge of anti-immigration populist candidates and parties in Europe and the United States. However, two leadership candidates in the Conservative race have sought to ape the political style and policy agenda that brought Donald Trump to power in the United States. Mainstream Canadian political actors are seeking to either counter or benefit electorally from rising distrust in government, fears over immigration and integration, and communitarian focus on Islam within right-wing politics. Impacts Opposition to the Trump presidency may help unify fractious left-leaning Canadian voters behind the Liberals. However, the social-democratic New Democratic Party will cite Trudeau-Trump cooperation to peel off progressive voters. Alienation of anti-immigration Conservatives will increase under libertarian or pro-business leadership.

The Effects of Ruralism, Bureaucratic Structure, and Economic Role on Right-Wing Extremism

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Schneck ◽  
Douglas Russell ◽  
Ken Scott
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
General Hypothesis ◽  
Economic Role ◽  
New Middle Class ◽  
The Social ◽  
Capitalistic System ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

In discussion of the social structure of modern capitalist societies the distinction between the “old” and “new” middle class is common. The old middle class is epitomized by the small businessman and the new middle class by the bureaucratic manager and employee. It has been postulated that the political sentiments and attitudes are different among these two subsets of the middle class. Specifically, it is hypothesized that the old middle class in a mature industrial and capitalistic system is especially vulnerable to right-wing extremism. It is the purpose of this paper to report research testing the above general hypothesis by using three factors of explanation.

scholarly journals Lodewijk De Raet: primordiale nationalist of een organische intellectueel van de nieuwe middenklasse?

2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-141
Author(s):  
Dries Goedertier
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Intellectual Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Important Work ◽  
Critical Dialogue ◽  
Social Question ◽  
New Middle Class ◽  
Ethnic Consciousness ◽  
The Social ◽  
Organic Intellectual

Vanaf de jaren 1880 was de Vlaamse beweging het toneel van een belangrijke politieke en ideologische vernieuwing. Het zogenaamde cultuurflamingantisme verruimde de politieke eisen van de Vlaamse beweging tot de sociale kwestie en het vraagstuk van de economische ontwikkeling. Het sluitstuk van deze analyse was de these dat de secundaire positie van het Nederlands en de sociale en economische achterstelling van Vlaanderen onlosmakelijk verbonden waren. Spilfiguur achter deze economische heroriëntatie van de Vlaamse beweging was de ingenieur, socioloog en econoom Lodewijk De Raet. In deze bijdrage wil ik de politieke vernieuwing die het cultuurflamingantisme vertegenwoordigde in de verf zetten aan de hand van een kritische dialoog met het belangrijke werk van Olivier Boehme. Waar hij De Raet in de eerste plaats ziet als een primordiale nationalist, beschouw ik hem als een intellectueel die het nationalisme omarmde in een context van kapitalistische versnelling. De Raet schreef in een periode van belangrijke sociaaleconomische transformaties die verklaren waarom hij zoveel belang is gaan hechten aan de ‘economie’. In zijn denken toonde hij zich bewust van mondialisering, de concentratie van kapitaal en de ontwikkeling van een nieuwe middenklasse. Ik argumenteer dat De Raet optrad als een organische intellectueel die aan een embryonale ‘Vlaamse leidende stand’ van kapitalisten en ingenieurs duidelijke richtlijnen meegaf. Zij moest het Vlaamse ‘stambewustzijn’ vergroten door zich in te zetten voor de economische, culturele en intellectuele ontwikkeling van Vlaamse middenstanders, boeren en arbeiders. Alleen een ‘Vlaamse Hogeschool’ in Gent zou volgens De Raet bij “machte zijn om de verschillende standen der maatschappij weer samen te brengen”.________Lodewijk de Raet: Primordial Nationalist or an Organic Intellctual of the New Middle Class?From the 1880s onwards, the Flemish Movement was the scene of an important political and ideological renewal. The so-called “cultural flamingantisme” broadened the political demands of the Flemish Movement toward the social question and the issue of economic development. The capstone of the this analysis was the thesis that the secondary position of Dutch and the social and economic backwardness of Flanders were intextricably linked. A key figure behind this economic reorientation of the Flemish Movement was the engineer, sociologist and economist Lodewijk de Raet. In this article, I want to highlight the political renewal represented by cultural flamingantisme by means of a critical dialogue with the important work of Olivier Boehme. Where he sees De Raet as a primordial nationalist first and foremost, I portray him as an intellectual who embraced nationalism in a context of capitalist acceleration. De Raet wrote during a period of important socioeconomic transformations, which explains why he placed so much importance on “economics”. In his thinking, he showed himself to be conscious of globalization, the concentration of capital and the development of a new middle class. I argue that De Raet acted as an organic intellectual who provided clear guidelines to the embryonic “Flemish leading estate” of capitalists and engineers. They had to expand the Flemish “ethnic consciousness” by devoting themselves to the economic, cultural and intellectual development of the Flemish middle class, farmers and laborers. According to De Raet, only a “Flemish University” in Ghent would be able “to bring the different classes of society back together again.”

Many faces of the right-wing populism. Book review of ‘Right-wing populism: Global trend and regional features’ ed. by L.S. Okuneva, A.I. Tevdoi-Burmuli

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-216
Author(s):  
M. V. Nozhenko
Keyword(s):  
Academic Community ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
The Social ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
New Research ◽  
The Right

The review examines a new collective monograph edited by L.S. Okuneva and A.I. Tevdoi-Burmuli: ‘Right-wing populism: Global trend and regional features’, published in 2020. The reviewer notes that a growing interest in both Russian and foreign academic community towards the phenomenon of populism has been witnessed in recent years. However, scholars still haven’t reached a consensus on the nature and content of this phenomenon, its role in the political systems of individual countries and regions, as well as on prospects for its further development. In this regard the book under review which provides a broad geographical and thematic perspective coverage is of particular relevance. At the same time, the reviewer notes that this very breadth provokes critical comments. For instance, the reviewer points to certain imbalances in the structure of the book, as well as some inconsistencies in the authors’ narratives. The latter may be related to the fact that the authors have widely differing approaches to the nature of populism. As a result, the book under review should be considered as a collection of essays united by a common theme rather than a collective monograph based on a common theoretical and methodological framework. However, this in no way downplays academic contribution of each individual author and the relevance of the book as a whole. The reviewer examines each chapter, briefly presenting the author’s position and the key findings, and concludes that the book in general contributes significantly to the academic study of the right-wing populism and raises new research questions. With regard to the latter, the book highlights both the ambiguity of populism, its immanent connection with modern trends in the development of political systems, and the social and psychological factors that contribute to the growing popularity of populist ideas.

When Private Reporting Is More Positive Than Public Reporting

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 150-162
Author(s):  
Garrett L. Strosser ◽  
Peter K. Jonason ◽  
Robert Lawson ◽  
Ashley N. Reid ◽  
Alex W. Vittum-Jones
Keyword(s):  
Behavioral Intentions ◽  
Social Norm ◽  
Pluralistic Ignorance ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Positive Behaviors ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
Public Scrutiny ◽  
The Impact

Abstract. Across three studies, we assessed the impact of perceived social norms on attitudes and positive behavioral intentions towards atheists and religious believers. Reported attitudes, reported acceptability of expressing positive and negative attitudes, and reported positive behavioral intentions disproportionately favored religious believers over atheists. However, participants reported a higher likelihood of engaging in positive behaviors towards atheists when the threat of public scrutiny was limited, indicating that the social norm in the US may be suppressing privately held, positive behavioral intentions that would otherwise support atheists, creating a state of pluralistic ignorance. Individuals also reported having more positive attitudes and a higher level of positive behavioral intentions towards religious believers relative to others. Finally, estimates of the prevalence of religious believers in the population also tied directly to one’s perception of the acceptability of expressing positive and negative attitudes towards these groups.

scholarly journals Attitude towards Mental Illness among Secondary School Students in Asmara, Eritrea: A Cross-Sectional Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eyasu H. Tesfamariam ◽  
Medhane M. Tekie ◽  
Amos Y. Tesfa ◽  
Dawit H. Hadgu ◽  
Eyob A. Awalom ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Mental Illness ◽  
Secondary School ◽  
Mentally Ill ◽  
Educational Level ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
School Students ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
The Mean

Secondary School students (SSs) are important members of the community; hence their attitude towards mental illness can be highly influential. Mentally ill individuals are not only suffering from the illness but also suffering from the stigmatizing attitude generated by the community. The objectives of this study were to determine attitude of SSs towards mental illness and its associated factors. A cross-sectional study design employing stratified random sampling was applied to select a sample of 402 students. Data was obtained using a self-administered Belief towards Mental Illness (BMI) questionnaire. Independent sample t-tests and one-way ANOVA were used to determine possible differences in scores of attitude. From a total of 21 BMI scale items, positive attitudes were found in eight items and negative attitudes were found in the remaining thirteen. The mean score of the full BMI scale was 2.47 (95% CI: 2.41, 2.54). The mean (95% CI) scores of dangerousness, poor social relations and incurability, and shame subscales were 2.68 (2.60, 2.76), 2.55 (2.48, 2.62), and 1.22 (1.09, 1.34), respectively. A significant negative correlation was found between attitude scores and the average mark of students (r = -0.257, p<0.0001). Moreover, significant differences in attitude scores were observed between students with a relative of mental illness and those without such a relative (p=0.004). There was an increasing trend of positive attitudes with increased educational level among 9th, 10th, and 11th graders (p-trend<0.0001) and with an increase in the educational level of the students father (p-trend=0.028). However, no significant difference in attitude score was found across categories of sex, religion, living condition of father, presence of a mentally ill neighbor, educational level of mother, or ethnicity. In conclusion, considerable numbers of SSs have negative attitudes towards mental illness. Implementation of programs that enhance positive attitudes towards mentally ill individuals is recommended.

scholarly journals Prejudice-relevant Correlates of Attitudes towards Refugees: A Meta-analysis

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 502-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Misha Mei Cowling ◽  
Joel R Anderson ◽  
Rose Ferguson
Keyword(s):  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Right Wing Authoritarianism ◽  
Body Of Knowledge ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
Meta Analyses ◽  
Refugees And Asylum Seekers ◽  
Systematic Database

Abstract This article meta-analyses the available data on attitudes towards refugees and asylum seekers, with the aim of estimating effect sizes for the relationships between these attitudes and prejudice-relevant correlates. Seventy studies (Ntotal = 13,720) were located using systematic database searches and calls for unpublished data. In the case of demographic factors, being male, religious, nationally identified, politically conservative, and less educated were associated with negative attitudes (Fisher’s zs = 0.11, 0.17, 0.18, 0.21, and –0.16, respectively). For ideological factors, increases in right-wing authoritarianism and social-dominance orientations correlated with negative attitudes, while the endorsement of macro (but not micro) justice principles were associated with positive attitudes (Fisher’s zs = 0.50, 0.50, –0.29, and 0.00, respectively). Perceptions of refugees as symbolic and realistic threats were the strongest correlates of negative attitudes (Fisher’s zs = 0.98 and 1.11, respectively). These findings have contributed to the growing body of knowledge that endeavors to understand the antecedents of refugee-specific prejudice, and are discussed in light of the global refugee crisis.

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