The Role of Patenting in Academic—Industry Links in the UK

1995 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 293-302
Author(s):  
Kathryn Packer

In this follow-up article to her paper in the December 1994 issue of Industry and Higher Education, Kathryn Packer summarizes and assesses the views of industrial liaison (IL) staff and university researchers on the activities in UK universities that are designed to promote academic-industry relations in general and increased revenue through patenting in particular. She also looks at the government policy instruments intended to facilitate and speed up these changes. The paper explores the perceptions IL staff have of the changes that have taken place in their own institutions with regard to patenting, what forms of contact they currently have with research staff and what the role of the Department of Trade and Industry sponsored technology audits has been in promoting these links. The author then discusses IL staff's recommendations for future policy activities and changes in the law relating to intellectual property rights.

2021 ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Novoselskii ◽  

The article considers the attitude of representatives of the top bureaucracy to the draft of the State Duma, developed by a Special Council chaired by the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin in 1905. Particular attention is paid to the high officials assessments of the dignitaries of the place and role of the Duma in the system of state administration of the Russian Empire, the arguments that officials cited in favor of its convocation. It analyzes intellectual context of the emergence of the “bulyginskaya duma” (“Bulygin Duma”) project is analyzed, which largely determined the breadth of the actual, not declared powers of the people’s agency. The research is based on unpublished documents from the funds of state institutions, as well as materials from the personal funds of officials and public figures. The article shows that, despite the legislative nature of the Duma, it had to have significant powers. The electoral system, which was proposed and defended by the high officials, was originally modeled in such a way as to avoid the triumph of the estates principle. The monarch’s open opposition to the people’s agency was considered a politically short-sighted move, which indicated a limitation of his power. The results of the study allow considering the government policy in 1905 not as an untimely response to public demands, but as a conscious strategy for systemic political reforms.


Legal Studies ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Jenkins

The government has made a commitment to ensure that sustainable development is placed at the heart of decision-making. The UK's strategy has primarily involved the development of voluntary measures to achieve sustainable development in policy-making. These measures are monitored by a Sustainable Development Commission and, most importantly, a parliamentary Environmental Audit Committee. However, a number of public bodies also have a statutory duty in respect of sustainable development. These duties do not create enforceable legal obligations, but may have significant value as a clear statement of policy on the achievement of sustainable development – providing political leadership at the highest level. It is essential to this aim that the government provides a clear message regarding the objective of sustainable development. However, close investigation of these duties reveals not only a partial legal framework, but a number of inconsistencies in the government's approach to the achievement of sustainable development.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  

To strengthen Human Security in border areas, the state must pay attention to many things. Various aspects of security continue to be carried out by looking at the multiple sources and potentials that exist, but it is undeniable that there are still many human insecurities. Regulatory potential such as government programs carried out as a form of follow-up to policies made by the Central Government based on the Law on the Protection and Security of Fishermen, Fish Cultivators, and Salt Farmers. To provide opportunities for small and traditional fishers to also be able to take advantage of marine products optimally so that they cannot compete with other fish entrepreneurs. Government policies are essential for the community in shaping human security in the Paloh border area, Sambas Regency, Indonesia. The role of the government and young activists is very much needed for the development of existing or new businesses. Governments that have policies in empowering fishing communities can make it easier for fishing communities to develop correctly.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hodgkinson

This article is a response to a speech addressed to the Economic and Social Research Council which was made, in February this year, by the UK Secretary of State for Education and Employment, David Blunkett. The speech was entitled ‘Influence or Irrelevance: can social science improve government?’ . Blunkett's programme for engaging social science in the policy process is far from unique and many of the arguments have been heard before. However, the curiosity of the speech lies in the fact that the conception of social science which Blunkett advocates mirrors the approach New Labour itself has to politics and government. This raises some rather interesting difficulties for social scientists. How do we engage in a debate about the role of social scientific research in the policy process when our own conception of the discipline may be radically at odds with that of the government? Furthermore, New Labour's particular conception of the relationship between social and policy-making means that we not only have to contest their notion of what it is we do, but also challenge their conception of the policy process. We cannot ignore this engagement, even if we wanted to. The challenge is to address it and to do so, moreover, in terms which Blunkett might understand. This article is an attempt to start this process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (03) ◽  
pp. 243-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dhanya Mullassery ◽  
Sumita Chhabra ◽  
Ashik Babu ◽  
Roberta Iacona ◽  
Simon Blackburn ◽  
...  

Aim Regular anal dilatations are commonly recommended in the postoperative management following posterior sagittal anorectoplasty (PSARP) in anorectal malformations (ARM). We hypothesized that routine postoperative dilatations may not affect surgical outcomes following PSARP. We compare surgical outcomes of routine postoperative dilatations versus no routine postoperative dilatations from two United Kingdom tertiary pediatric surgical centers. Materials and Methods This is retrospective records review of patients undergoing definitive surgery for ARM in two tertiary surgical centers in the UK over 5 years. Center A used a protocol of routine postoperative dilatations, and center B used a protocol, which used dilatations only for clinical indications of stricture. Data collected included ARM type, operative procedures, and postoperative interventions. All post-operative interventions under general anesthesia (GA) were compared between groups. Results From 2011 to 2015, 49 procedures (46 PSARPs) were performed in center A and 54 (52 PSARPs) in center B. Median follow up period was 31 months (interquartile range [IQR] 18–48). The first postoperative anal calibration under GA was documented for 43 (86%) patients in center A and for 42 (78%) patients in center B. Following this, center A followed routine postoperative dilatation (RPD) at home, and center B reserved further dilatations for specific indications. RPD was performed for 100% of patients in center A versus 8% in center B. Further anal dilatations under GA were performed in 19 (38%) children in center A and in 17 (34%) children in center B (p = 0.68). In center A, 10 patients (22%) needed further surgery versus 14 (28%) in center B (p = 0.48). Conclusion The use of routine postoperative dilatations does not significantly improve surgical outcomes following PSARP in ARM.


Author(s):  
Mark Whitehead ◽  
Rhys Jones ◽  
Martin Jones

To talk about technology when exploring the relationship between states and nature may seem paradoxical. The paradoxical nature of this assignment is twofold. First, many argue that to speak of the technological is to speak of the anti-political—here technology is understood not as something of the state, but as an external arena that can simultaneously be used by the government to verify its policies, or, if unchecked, undermine the governing capacities of politicians (Barry 2001: ch. 1). Others claim that technology is the antithesis of nature—if nature is the un-produced eternal substratum of existence, technology is a socio-cultural artefact, a fragment of produced nature and a mechanism for ecological transformation (Luke 1996). Despite this apparent conundrum, this chapter argues that technology provides a crucial basis upon which many of the interplays between the state and nature continue to be expressed. Within his recent book on the links between states, government, and technologies—Political Machines—Andrew Barry (2001: 9) suggests that we need to think of technologies in two related but distinct ways. He argues that our first recourse when considering technologies is often to technological devices—or those labour-saving and labour-enhancing gadgets, tools, instruments, and gizmos that make new socio-economic practices possible and speed-up existing exercises (see also Harvey 2002). Secondly, Barry discerns a broader understanding of technology, which incorporates a wider set of procedures, rules, and calculations in and through which a technological device is animated and put to use. In this chapter we explore the technological devices and supporting technological infrastructures through which the contemporary politics of state– nature relations are being played out. We interpret the role of technology within state–nature relations in two main ways. First, we explore the ways in which various technologies have been synthesized with and within the state apparatuses in order to enhance governments’ capacities to manage nature. The role of technology in facilitating the governance of nature can be conceived of at a number of levels. It can, for example, be related to a Marxist reading of technologies as tools/machines deployed in the physical transformation of the natural world (Harvey 2002: 534).


Author(s):  
Ed Beale ◽  
Libby Kurien ◽  
Eve Samson

This chapter examines the ways in which the UK Parliament formally constrains the government and engages with European Union (EU) institutions. The House of Lords and the House of Commons both have processes to ensure that legislation proposed at the EU level has been properly reviewed before it takes effect in UK law. The ‘scrutiny reserve’, which stipulates that ministers should not agree to proposals under scrutiny, is used to elicit information about the government's negotiating position. Parliament also has a role in examining EU legislation and providing direct access to European institutions. The chapter first provides an overview of the EU legislative process, focusing on three principal EU institutions: member states, the European Parliament (EP), and the European Commission. It also considers the formal role of national parliaments in the EU legislative process, the UK Parliament's scrutiny of the EU legislation and its effectiveness, and parliamentary scrutiny after Brexit.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-307
Author(s):  
S. June Kim

In 2017, Koreans controlled 1,656 vessels with an aggregate tonnage of 80,976,874 deadweight (dwt), placing Korea as the world’s seventh largest shipowning country. Given that Korean-owned tonnage stood at just 1.3m dwt in 1970, this represented a remarkable rate of growth over less than half a century. This article focuses on the years from 1967 to 1999 and aims to prove that government policy was one of the key causal factors in the rapid increase in Korean shipping. The paper is organised into four main parts. In the first section, the role of the government in the development of the economy is assessed, while Section 2 focuses on state policies designed to promote the shipping industry in Korea. Section 3 highlights the rise of Korean shipping from 1967 to 1999, and the final part considers the wider implications of the role of government policy in the development of the shipping industry.


2019 ◽  
Vol 250 ◽  
pp. R47-R53
Author(s):  
Tim Besley ◽  
Richard Davies

Executive SummaryAlongside the challenge of maintaining economic competitiveness in the face of great uncertainty, Brexit brings an opportunity for the government to set out a new industrial strategy. The case for doing so rests on the need to address areas of persistent structural weakness in the UK economy, including low productivity. But it is important that any new industrial strategy be based on appropriately granular data reflecting the real structure of the UK corporate sector: the overwhelmingly preponderant role of services as opposed to manufacturing, for example; the importance of young, fast-growing firms as opposed to SMEs; the relatively high failure rate of companies in the UK; and the relative lack of successful mid-sized firms. Such a data-driven approach might spawn an industrial strategy quite different from the piecemeal programmes of recent years.Internationally, the UK is a laggard in this area, and the recently-created Industrial Strategy Council does not look strong enough to change that position. To move forward, the government needs to make industrial strategy a central plank of economic policy, embedded at the heart of the administration with its own staff and funding, and operations based on a comprehensive review of the economic contribution and potential of various types of firm. Needless to say, it cannot be a substitute for a continuing commitment to competition and markets, or a stalking horse for protectionism: interventions should be justified by carefully-argued market failure arguments, be time-limited, and transparently evaluated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Paterson

The English scheme of arrangement process has, in many ways, proved a reliable friend to distressed companies and their majority finance creditors in the decade following the financial crisis. However, experience of using the scheme process to achieve a debt restructuring has highlighted a number of areas where it could be improved for the present, or to make it more adaptable in the future. This article was written at a time when the Insolvency Service had launched a review of the corporate insolvency framework in the UK (and published many of the responses which it has received to the consultation), and the European Commission had published a proposal for a new Directive setting minimum harmonisation standards for restructuring law. Both the consultation and the proposal have significant implications for the reform agenda, and the Government has published its response to the UK consultation just as this article is going to press. This paper focuses on the introduction of a preliminary moratorium as a gateway to restructuring efforts, the crucial question of how to value the enterprise if a cram down mechanism is introduced and the role of the insolvency practitioner in the scheme context.


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