scholarly journals Collective wage bargaining under strain in northern European construction: Resisting institutional drift?

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 341-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Arnholtz ◽  
Guglielmo Meardi ◽  
Johannes Oldervoll

Internationalization, trade union decline, enforcement problems and rising self-employment all strain the effectiveness of collective wage bargaining arrangements in northern European construction. We examine Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and the UK, and show that these strains have pushed trade unions to seek assistance from the state to stabilize wage regulation, but with results that vary according to employer strategies and the power balances between the actors. While Denmark and the UK have barely introduced any state support, Norway has followed the Netherlands and Germany in introducing legal mechanisms for extension of collectively agreed minimum wage terms. The country studies suggest that state assistance alleviates some of the strain, but does not reverse the trends, and the comparison indicates that both institutional innovation and reorganization may be required if wage bargaining is not to drift into different functions.

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Brown

Comparatively little of a scholarly nature has been written about Indonesian trade unions, particularly on the two decades from 1945 to 1965 when, like the political parties to which so many of them were affiliated, the unions had their heyday. This paper focuses on the development of trade unions in one specific industry: refined sugar production. The period to be examined—1945 to 1949—runs from the proclamation of Indonesian independence by Sukarno and Hatta, through the revolution fought against the returning Dutch, to December 1949 when the Netherlands finally acknowledged Indonesian independence. It was during this period that the major post-war sugar industry unions were established. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of these unions will be examined, along with their leaders and members, ideological leanings and political and industrial objectives.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Valkenburg ◽  
Harry Coenen

This contribution deals with the question of the existence of 'working poor' in the Netherlands. The rest of the world tends to see the Netherlands as a success story. It is against this background that we investigate whether there are people in the Netherlands that are in paid employment, but are nevertheless confronted with problems of poverty. The statistical data available at the macro-level give clear indications of the existence of 'working poor'. In the light of this fact, the issue of the 'working poor' should be given a more prominent place on the political and trade union agenda. The trade unions, in particular, should play a far more active role. They should make more detailed studies of the problem, taking as their starting point the day-to-day experience of those affected, and should design measures that are commensurate with the interests of these people.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner Schmidt ◽  
Andrea Müller ◽  
Irene Ramos-Vielba ◽  
Annette Thörnquist ◽  
Christer Thörnqvist

We use a power resources approach to examine the effects of the 2008–2009 financial and economic crisis on public sector trade union power in Germany, Spain, Sweden and the UK, comparing structural, organizational, institutional, societal and political power resources before and after the crisis. Unions’ power resources have (at least temporarily) weakened in Spain, with a similar but less pronounced trend in the UK; whereas in Sweden and Germany, one can detect ambiguous but slightly positive signals, which reflect neither the crisis nor opposition to austerity. As well as structural, organizational and institutional power resources, societal and political resources are decisive for public sector trade unions.


2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 461-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Pernicka

The subject of this article is trade union strategies for contingent workers. On the assumption that trade unions’ strategic responses vary in accordance with their national institutional contexts, we compare Austria and the UK in the area of further education. In both countries, we found various trade union strategies for dealing with the growing heterogeneity of members and potential members of trade unions in further education. From a cross-country perspective, however, we found some evidence that the spread of contingent work might lead to a convergence of union strategies and a reduction of the influence on their behaviour of national institutions.


2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne Thorpe

This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Erik Dølvik ◽  
Paul Marginson

We examine changes in collective wage regulation in five northern European countries since 2000, with a focus on coordination across sectors, articulation between levels and determination of wage floors. Earlier change in the functioning of wage bargaining arrangements in Germany placed pressure on other northern countries. In Finland, employers recently instigated a shift from tripartite incomes policy to manufacturing-led pattern bargaining, with increased scope for decentralized negotiations. This made Finnish arrangements more similar to their Nordic counterparts, which have been marked by modest adaptations. Divergence continues in wage floor regulation. Increased statutory generalization of collectively agreed minimum wages has moved Germany and Norway closer to Finland, while Denmark and Sweden still rely solely on collective bargaining. The multi-faceted employer and state approaches to wage regulation are not consistent with recent claims of a neoliberal transformation across the northern coordinated economies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-398
Author(s):  
Paul Marginson ◽  
Jon Erik Dølvik

We address developments in collective wage bargaining arrangements in northern Europe in the light of two major political-economic challenges: EU eastern enlargement and the financial and economic crisis which broke in 2008. Through the lens of debates on convergence and divergence, we examine three dimensions of collective wage bargaining: coordination across sectors; articulation between different levels; and regulation of wage floors. We draw on findings from five countries and four sectors. Our analysis undermines the proposition that developments exhibit a common liberalising trajectory. It points to the differential impact of the two major political-economic challenges as between sectors, highlights similar and different policy responses by actors within a sector across countries, reveals differing consequences for governance of collective wage bargaining across sectors and countries, and finds no uniform trend in wage inequality outcomes. L’examen des accords issus de la négociation collective sur les salaires en Europe du Nord est replacé dans le contexte de deux défis politico-économiques majeurs: l’élargissement de l’UE à l’Est et la crise financière et économique qui a éclaté en 2008. La question de l’existence d’une convergence ou d’une divergence est abordée selon trois dimensions de la négociation collective des salaires: la coordination entre les secteurs, l’articulation entre les différents niveaux et la réglementation des planchers salariaux. Nous nous appuyons sur les résultats obtenus dans cinq pays et quatre secteurs. Notre analyse remet en question l’idée selon laquelle les évolutions présentent une trajectoire commune de libéralisation. Elle souligne la différence d’impact, entre les secteurs, des deux principaux défis politico-économiques évoqués et met en lumière les similarités et les différences dans les réponses politiques apportées par les acteurs d’un secteur dans les différents pays. L’analyse montre également les conséquences différentes pour la gouvernance des négociations collectives salariales entre les secteurs et les pays, et ne relève aucune tendance uniforme dans les résultats en matière d’inégalité salariale. Wir befassen uns im vorliegenden Artikel mit der Ausgestaltung von Tarifverhandlungen in Nordeuropa vor dem Hintergrund zweier wichtiger politisch-wirtschaftlicher Herausforderungen: der Osterweiterung der EU und der Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise, die 2008 ihren Anfang nahm. Anhand der Debatten über Konvergenz und Divergenz untersuchen wir drei Dimensionen von Tarifverhandlungen: branchenübergreifende Koordinierung, Verständigung zwischen den unterschiedlichen Ebenen und Mindestlohnregelungen. Zu diesem Zweck haben wir Ergebnisse aus fünf Ländern und vier Sektoren ausgewertet. Unsere Analyse widerlegt die Annahme, dass alle Entwicklungen einem gemeinsamen Liberalisierungstrend folgen. Sie zeichnet die unterschiedlichen Auswirkungen der beiden großen politisch-wirtschaftlichen Herausforderungen in den einzelnen Sektoren nach; und beschreibt vergleichbare und unterschiedliche politische Antworten der Akteure eines Sektors in verschiedenen Ländern mit unterschiedlichen Folgen für die Gestaltung von Tarifverhandlungen in Sektoren und Ländern. Ein einheitlicher Trend bei der Entwicklung von Lohnungleichheiten ist nicht festzustellen.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002218562097933
Author(s):  
Bia Carneiro ◽  
Hermes Augusto Costa

Traditional actors such as trade unions are inevitably challenged by digital technologies, not only from the perspective of labor relations, but also in relation to outreach and communications strategies. In fact, as online and offline realities become increasingly intertwined, the presence of organized labor institutions within the Internet’s current networked environment is unavoidable. This article debates digital trade unionism as a strategy for trade union renewal, particularly the implications of using social media platforms to connect and interact with a broader audience beyond the labor movement. Through a comprehensive comparative analysis of the Facebook pages of six trade union confederations from Brazil, Canada, Portugal, and the UK, we find that despite the possibilities for horizontal dialogue enabled by the new digital communication and information technologies, trade union confederations maintain an outdated ‘one-way’ model of communication, hindering opportunities to reach and engage with both union and non-union actors.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana Bernardotti ◽  
Sukhwant Dhaliwal ◽  
Fabio Perocco

There are very high levels of staff of non-EU origin working in Europe's health services and these staff are often faced with racism. In many cases health sector trade unions have attempted to confront and challenge this racism. This article reports on research that shows that racism (both direct and indirect) is a continuing problem and that some trade unionists deny this and may even reinforce racism. The research consisted of studies in the national public health sectors of Belgium, France, Italy and the UK. The article concludes by examining the possibilities and limitations of trade union-led responses as collective means for confronting the many different forms of racism within the sector.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document