Challenging Anti-Black Racism in Everyday Teaching, Learning, and Leading: From Theory to Practice

2021 ◽  
pp. 105268462199311
Author(s):  
Ann E. Lopez ◽  
Gaëtane Jean-Marie

Anti-Black racism and White supremacy continue to have dire impact on the lives and educational outcomes of Black people and students in educational spaces. Examining ways in which this form of racism is disrupted, confronted, and challenged in education and schooling is important not only to Black students, scholars, practitioners, and staff, but to all People of Color. Drawing on research conducted with educators in, Canada, the United States and our lived experiences as Black educators this article examines how antiblackness and anti-Black racism is manifested in schooling spaces through teaching, learning, and leadership, and offers actions that educators can take in everyday practice to confront and disrupt. In so doing connect theory to practice, and offer possibilities that school leaders and others can act on.

Author(s):  
Fred Carroll

The United States' entry into World War II led the federal government to renew its surveillance and censorship of black journalists who struck at segregation in wartime. Simultaneously, the white press dismissed black reporters for failing to uphold the doctrine of objectivity. National black newspapers reconciled black protest and white scrutiny by forsaking explicit textual radicalism for a more coded militancy, as illustrated by the “Double V” campaign. Black war correspondents – including Edgar Rouzeau, Deton "Jack" Brooks, Roi Ottley, and George Padmore – praised black troops for their patriotism and sacrifice but also explained how white supremacy structured the lives of people of color elsewhere in the world. By the war's end, black journalists had achieved an uneasy détente with federal officials and white journalists.


Author(s):  
Harris Beider ◽  
Kusminder Chahal

This chapter presents an edited transcript of a focus group discussion in Phoenix, Arizona, soon after the inauguration of President Trump. It highlights the views and opinions held by the participants, which became key themes emerging from the research. More importantly, it shows a group of white residents talking about their new president, his immediate actions, and the turmoil that these actions unleashed in the United States soon after he was elected. The new president was a divisive figure in the discussions. Support for Trump was not overwhelming, but he was seen as a change candidate. Meanwhile, the disruption being witnessed on the ground was seen negatively. The new president was seen as making rapid changes that were having direct, real-life consequences. Moreover, his focus on holding binary positions was seen as avoiding complexity and without nuance. “White” as an identity emerged through the actions and experiences of “black” people and the lived experiences of differences and diversity. Claiming to live in a racially and ethnically diverse area was challenged.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 530-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. Schooley ◽  
Debbiesiu L. Lee ◽  
Lisa B. Spanierman

The psychological study of Whiteness provides one avenue for researchers to help combat racial injustice in the United States. This article is a call to action for counseling psychologists to engage in much needed scholarship and critical examinations of Whiteness. In this systematic review and content analysis, we provide an overview of 18 quantitative measures focusing on various aspects of Whiteness published between 1967 and 2017. We summarize the constructs and psychometric properties of these measures. Our content analysis indicated that constructs assessed by Whiteness measures have shifted in focus over time across four themes: (a) Attitudes Toward Black People/Integration, (b) Modern Racism, (c) White Racial Identity, and (d) White Privilege and Antiracism. We conclude with suggestions on how advancement, development, and use of Whiteness measures could further our knowledge through research examining present-day racial justice issues. The issues highlighted include police brutality, xenophobia, immigration, White supremacy, activism, and training in the field.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/3) ◽  
pp. 978-988
Author(s):  
Michael Rangel

The outside agitator narrative has been used to discredit and harm people of color for decades. Currently, it is being used as a forceful tactic to separate the movement for Black lives from the broader narrative that racism is deeply rooted in American social structures, institutions, and everyday life. This article examines the implications of how the profession of social work has similarly and simultaneously maintained a culture of white supremacy and racist ideologies in our work. As outsiders in a predominantly white profession, social workers of color act as outside agitators when dispelling myths and practices used in and for communities of color. By centering the lived experiences and knowledge of social workers of color, all social workers can increase their awareness of racism within our profession and work together to dismantle the culture of racism and white supremacy that persists within social work.


JCSCORE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 190-208
Author(s):  
Samuel Z. Shelton

In this personal narrative, I reflect on how I have approached teaching about and for disability justice as a White crip feminist educator. I focus on how I have attempted to be accountable for my Whiteness in my teaching about an activist framework and movement grounded in the lived experiences of queer and trans disabled people of color (Sins Invalid, 2016). Towards this task, I describe my effort to enact what I term a harm reduction pedagogy or an approach to teaching that acknowledges the ongoing violence of whiteness and my participation in it while simultaneously striving to minimize the harm students of color experience in my courses. In the second section of this paper, I describe my process of accountability planning in which I anticipate possibilities for harm and prepare myself to respond to them prior to the moments when they happen.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000283122092111
Author(s):  
Maxine McKinney de Royston ◽  
Tia C. Madkins ◽  
Jarvis R. Givens ◽  
Na’ilah Suad Nasir

Many Black educators in the United States demonstrate a political clarity about white supremacy and the racialized harm it cultivates in and out of schools. We highlight the perspectives of some of these educators and ask, (1) How do they articulate the need to protect Black children? and (2) What mechanisms of protection do they enact in their classrooms and schools? Through further elaborating the politicized caring framework, our analyses show how Black educators disrupt the racialized harm produced within schools to instead (re)position Black students as children worthy of protection via caring relationships, alternative discipline policies, and other interpersonal and institutional mechanisms. This study has implications for teaching, teacher education, and how the “work” of teachers is conceptualized and researched.


Author(s):  
Richard T. Hughes

The American myth of Nature’s Nation claims that the United States, and especially its founding documents, owe nothing to human history but reflect the natural order as it came from the hands of the Creator. Accordingly, the Declaration of Independence speaks of “self-evident truths,” rooted in “Nature and Nature’s God.” But the founders read into the natural order the long-standing myth of White Supremacy. In this way, the myth of Nature’s Nation became a tool for exclusion and oppression of people of color. In his “Notes on the State of Virginia,” Thomas Jefferson even argued that black inferiority was nature’s own decree. From an early date, blacks fought back. David Walker led that charge with his 1829 book, Walker’s Appeal . . . to the Coloured Citizens of the World. In the twenty-first century, other black writers—especially Toni Morrison and Ta-Nehisi Coates—unmasked the ways in which the myth of White Supremacy is embedded in the American myth of Nature’s Nation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Bala J. Baptiste

Racism was the dominant concept encapsulating black experiences with white supremacy in the United States. Whites considered people of European descent as being superior. Caucasians in media produced content presenting white cultural products as the norm. The bombardment of the constructed images convinced the public, including blacks, that Eurocentricity represented the standard of cultural productions. Similarly, ideological hegemony explained why blacks in media were initially presented as negative stereotypes. The theory suggested that whites intended to maintain the status quo. Non-whites needed to not be taken seriously. Whites in decision-making positions in mass media also marginalized or silenced voices of opposition. They regulated people of color to reside outside of mainstream thought. Marginalization suggested that only the ideals of the elite were worthy. W. E. B. Du Bois found the existence of a double consciousness in which African Americans navigated between a black world and a white world. Blacks mostly saw themselves through Caucasian lens and therefore accepted and internalized westernized culture.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019372352095053
Author(s):  
Nik Dickerson ◽  
Matt Hodler

On September 1, 2016, San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick kneeled for the playing of the national anthem arguing that he was “not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color,” noting that “this is bigger than football and it would be selfish . . . to look the other way. There are bodies in the street and people getting paid leave and getting away with murder.” Kaepernick received a tremendous amount of backlash for this action, and many White fans/media pundits accused him of disrespecting the flag and U.S. military. This act took place during the very contentious presidential election in the United States between eventual winner Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. During this election, the Trump campaign mobilized discourses of White nationalism, and even employed alt-right member Steve Bannon as Trump’s chief advisor for a period. The Trump campaign capitalized on a set of White backlash politics that had been growing since the 1990s, and the reactions to Kaepernick’s protest cannot be separated from this larger context. In this article, we critically read internet memes of Colin Kaepernick to gain insight into the relationship between race, gender, and the nation during the rise of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 325-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandi Blessett

Urban communities and people of color continue to be disparaged by any number of quality of life indicators in 2019 as were identified in 1968. This article examines the evolution of state-sponsored disenfranchisement in the United States and identifies faith and nonprofit institutions as progressive allies in the fight against systemic injustice for communities of color. First, the article uses the Kerner Report to contextualize the heightened surveillance of Black residents and the occupation of their neighborhoods by police in response to the urban rights of the 1960s. The second part examines disenfranchisement as tools of state-sponsored oppression and their long-standing implication for Black people. The final section of the article illuminates the collaborative relationship between faith and nonprofit leaders with community members to advance rights restoration reform in the state of Florida.


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