Tackling Rape Culture in Québec Universities: A Network of Feminist Resistance

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (11) ◽  
pp. 1290-1308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandrine Ricci ◽  
Manon Bergeron
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Significant Contribution ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
University Campuses ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
University Communities ◽  
Dual Perspective

Québec university communities are facing intensified pressure to address the incidence of sexual violence on campus. The ESSIMU ( Enquête Sexualité, Sécurité et Interactions en Milieu Universitaire) survey (2016) revealed that one third of respondents (students and employees from six universities, all genders combined) reported having experienced at least one form of sexual violence since arriving at university, committed by someone affiliated with the same university. As the issue is becoming increasingly institutionalized, a process that often erodes activism, this article highlights the role feminist activism has played in placing sexual violence on university campuses on the political agenda. From the dual perspective of feminist activists and researchers on the ESSIMU team, the article explores the backdrop of this mobilization, and the network of feminist resistance that fostered the ESSIMU study, itself a significant contribution to the increased recognition of sexual violence in universities. It also considers the role of university and government institutions in (re)producing such violence and the role of media in making it a public issue.

“There is such a situation that Comrade Svoboda is under pressure”. The Soviet leadership and the settlement of relations with Czechoslovakia. May 1969

2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.

Economic role of politics and corporate governance: reforms captured in Malaysia’s setting

2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (6) ◽  
pp. 839-853 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurul Nazlia Jamil
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Governance ◽  
Emerging Market ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Economic Role ◽  
Corporate Governance Reforms ◽  
Governance Reforms

Purpose This study aims to examine the economic role of politics on corporate governance reforms in one of emerging market, namely, Malaysia. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based upon a literature review analysis. Findings The Malaysian economic, political and social settings have resulted in undue state and detrimental political influence on business, and yet the corporate governance reforms undertaken seemed not be able to resolve the matter. It is suggesting that it would be beneficial for Malaysia to have more independent regulatory bodies representing a wide variety of stakeholders to improve the transparency and accountability to ensure that the reforms are effectively enforced without conflicting with the political agenda. Legal institutional reforms also may be needed to improve the structure, capacity and performance of judicial system, as it is capable to capture reliance of economic role of politics and promoting accountability in Malaysia. Research limitations/implications The economic role of politics on corporate governance reforms is merely to broaden the political strategy in the corporate sector as the change in politics can improve the effectiveness of corporate governance reforms. Moreover, the economic role of politics raises the tone of the corporate governance reforms, and it implies that policymakers need to have effective corporate governance strategy in dealing with the reforms initiatives in areas that have strong political interventions. Originality/value Regulatory and judicial implications are offered as a means to improve corporate governance in Malaysia.

Disablism, Planning, and the Built Environment

1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
R F Imrie ◽  
P E Wells
Keyword(s):  
Land Use ◽  
Built Environment ◽  
Land Use Planning ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Planning System ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Disabled People ◽  
The Uk

In the last decade access for disabled people to public buildings has become an important part of the political agenda. Yet, one of the main forms of discrimination which still persists against disabled people is an inaccessible built environment. In particular, statutory authorities have been slow to acknowledge the mobility and access needs of disabled people, and the legislative base to back up local authority policies remains largely ineffectual and weak. In this paper, the interrelationships between disability and the built environment are considered by focusing on the role of the UK land-use planning system in securing access provision for disabled people.

Brazilian businessmen movements: Right-wing populism and the (dis)connection between policy and politics

Organization ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amon Barros ◽  
Sergio Wanderley
Keyword(s):  
Free Market ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Think Tank ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Right Wing Populism

We advocate for the relevance of taking Brazilian past experience and theorization of populism into account to understand present-day challenges. We depart from Weffort’s conceptualization of populism to discuss the role of businesspeople movements in supporting and taking control of the political agenda through think tanks. According to Weffort, populism is built over precarious alliances that tend to favor policy or politics in different moments. During times of divergence among political elites, a populist leader emerges as a mediator in orchestrating an unstable hegemony among asymmetric classes. At the same time, the classes included in the populist alliance give legitimacy to the populist leader; they hinder his capacity of imposing decisions. However, treason of the weakest within the alliance is certain. We suggest that the political role played by the think tank IPES, in 1960s Brazil, in reframing middle-class demands is akin to contemporary populist events in Brazil—represented by the election of Jair Bolsonaro—and in the Anglo-Saxon world. Trumpism and Brexit are examples of a still-powerful free-market ideology project wrapped up under a populist discourse (re)framed with the support of businessmen and think tanks. A corporate takeover of government and the imposition of a free-market agenda are certain, as it is the treason of the weakest in the populist coalition. CMS academics should engage with the demands that give birth to populist movements as a way to dispute the neoliberal hegemony and anti-democratic populist solutions.

Ethnicity as political cleavage: The political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Janušauskienė
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Performance ◽  
Representation Of Interests

This article examines the role of ethnicity in the formation of political cleavage and is based on the analysis of the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania after the re-establishment of the independent state in 1990. It analyzes the political performance of the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (EAPL), an ethnic-based “niche” political party that tends to keep a monopoly over the representation of interests of the Polish minority in Lithuania and collects a vast majority of the votes of citizens of Polish origin. The article considers how specific in comparison to the titular nation the interests of the Polish national minority are, and how different in comparison to the political agendas of other political parties the political agenda of the EAPL is.

scholarly journals Language features of program by S. Tihipko, Candidate for President of Ukraine (based on 2010 presidential election of ukraine information)

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (21) ◽  
pp. 182-186
Author(s):  
Hanna Sytar ◽  
◽  
Maryna Rohova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Main Idea ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Communicative Role

The article investigates linguistic features in program of presidential candidate S. Tihipko. Communicative roles of a political figure, implemented in program, identified and analyzed; language, representing these roles, is emphasized. The purpose of the article is to define the language features of program by S. Tihipko, candidate for President of Ukraine (based on 2010 presidential election of Ukraine information). It found that the image of a politician is an integral part in modern politics, and the so-called communicative image is a special consideration. One of his manifestations is the communicative role. Namely, the ability of a politician «to play» (to explain, to describe, to convey an idea, to idealize himself) in public. Because of that the phenomenon of communicative image is not well researched, there is not consensus on the definition of communicative role. In our survey we use O. Chorna’s classification, which distinguishes 16 communicative roles of a political leader, each of them has its own verbalizers and is characterized by a number of manipulative strategies. It was revealed, that features in program of 2010 presidential candidate S. Tihipko, the communicative role of «Competent Leader» is dominating. Vivid objectivators are: «I am the statements», perfect verbs to indicate future actions (analytical form of the future tense), verbs with the meaning of effectiveness, efficiency. The main image-creating communicative strategies are: appealing to basic needs (life, health, safety, peace); appealing to family values; accumulation of problems that implies future changes; a strategy of inclusive, unity with the people. Among figurative appeals, metaphors attract attention. Distinctive of the candidate's election program was the use of several interconnected communicative roles (Competent Leader, Responsible, Unity Leader and Believer). The political tagline of S. Tihipko is analyzed, on which the main idea of his election campaign is concentrated. Dominant communicative role of S. Tihipko «Competent Leader» represents the candidate as a worthy head of state, coordinator of all political processes, emphasizes his professionalism, determination, responsibility. S. Tihipko's election program appeals to both the minds of Ukrainian citizens and emotions. Exactly, the latter are drawn to the figurative references used in the text of the political agenda. The prospect of further research is to trace the linguistic features of the political programs of other well-known Ukrainian politicians, as well as to compare the communicative roles played and the linguistic means used to design them.

scholarly journals When evidence alone is not enough: the problem, policy and politics of water fluoridation in England

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Lowery ◽  
Matthew Flinders ◽  
Barry J. Gibson
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Policy Change ◽  
Hospital Admissions ◽  
Exchange Process ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Water Fluoridation ◽  
Sociopolitical Context ◽  
Health Policymaking

Background: Tooth extractions are the most common cause of hospital admissions for children in England. Water fluoridation has the potential to reduce this number by 60%, is backed by the scientific and public health communities, and yet is currently consumed by only 10% of the population.Aims and objectives: This ‘evidence-policy gap’ is explored through Kingdon’s ‘multi-streams approach’ which provides insights into the circumstances under which water fluoridation has made it onto the political agenda, the rationale underpinning opponent and advocate policy positions, and the role of the political arena in fostering or hindering policy action.Methods: Over 100 primary documents were reviewed to develop an understanding of the scientific and ethical arguments for and against water fluoridation, as well as to identify how they have all historically sought to mobilise their policy preferences. Eleven consultations were also conducted with stakeholders as part of the knowledge exchange process.Findings: The key finding of this research is that evidence is only likely to trigger policy change if it emerges into a receptive sociopolitical context. In substantiating this claim we identify evidence not of an ‘evidence-policy gap’ but of a more complex and multidimensional ‘evidence-policy-politics gap’.Discussion: The findings contribute to a range of debates in relation to: (1) the apparent irreconcilability of background ideas about what ought to form the basis of public health policymaking; (2) the presence of differing evidential standards that create an uneven playing field; and (3) the central underpinning role of politics in public health policymaking.<br />Key points<br /><ul><li>Water fluoridation in England is characterised by a disconnect between the evidence base and the policies enacted.</li><br /><li>This is attributable to a complex, multidimensional and dialectical ‘evidence-policy-politics gap’.</li><br /><li>Evidence is only likely to trigger policy change if located within a receptive sociopolitical context.</li><br /><li>These insights feed into broader debates surrounding blame-avoidance behaviour and the existence of evidential biases.</li></ul>

The paradigm of nationalism in Kyrgyzstan. Evolving narrative, the sovereignty issue, and political agenda

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 39-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlène Laruelle
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Perception Of Threat ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Interpretative Framework

In Kyrgyzstan, nationalism combines a narrative on the titular ethnic group and its relation to a civic, state-based, identity, feelings of imperiled sovereignty, and a rising electorate agenda for political forces. Nationalism has therefore become the engine of an interpretative framework for Kyrgyzstan’s failures and enables the society indirectly to formulate its perception of threat, both on the Uzbek and Kyrgyz sides. To this end, this article first analyzes the double identity narrative, civic and ethnic, of Akayev’s regime, followed by the transformation toward a more ethno-centered Kyrgyz patriotism under Bakiyev, the growing role of the theme of imperiled sovereignty—which culminated with the events in Osh—and how nationalism is today becoming a key element of the political agenda and the public scene.

scholarly journals Public Housing in Fascist Rome: A European Perspective

2017 ◽  
pp. 96-111
Author(s):  
Harald Bodenschatz
Keyword(s):  
Public Housing ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Perspective ◽  
Social Consensus ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Italian Fascism

This article discusses the role of housing in the political agenda of dictatorial regimes in the interwar period, in particular in the agenda of Italian Fascism. It brings about the factors that contributed to make public housing a key component in securing the support of the middle classes in the creation of social consensus necessary for the preservation of Mussolini’s dictatorial regime. The maps advances a typological mapping of housing complexes for Mussolini’s Rome, which illustrates a policy based on the urbanization of the middle classes, and the de-urbanization of the urban poor.

Internal Battles and External Wars: Politics, Learning, and the Soviet Withdrawal from Afghanistan

1993 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah E. Mendelson
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Cognitive Learning ◽  
Epistemic Community ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Learning Approaches ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy

Studies explaining the end of the cold war and change in Soviet foreign policy tend to emphasize the role of the international system: decision makers “learned lessons” about the international system, and this learning brought about Soviet accommodationist policies. Such systemic and cognitive learning approaches tend, however, to mask the political and highly contingent nature of the policy changes. To understand these changes, one must explore how certain ideas got placed on the political agenda and how others were forced off.This essay stresses the role of ideas about both the foreign and the domestic scene, as well as the role of a network of specialists that helped put these ideas on the national agenda. Ideas alone cannot explain any one outcome. They must be understood in terms of the political process by which they are selected. Ideas are more likely to be implemented and epistemic communities are more likely to be influential under three conditions: (1) access to the leadership, (2) salience of the ideas to the leadership, and (3) the ability of the leadership to control the political agenda.One critical example of great change in foreign policy was the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. This study examines the interplay of ideas and politics over time and explains how the decision to withdraw was implemented and why it occurred when it did. It focuses on (1) the mobilization of an epistemic community before Gorbachev came to power, (2) massive personnel changes within Soviet institutions in the 1980s, and (3) the empowerment of the epistemic community once Gorbachev had consolidated his power.

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