From protest to power: Autonomist parties in government

2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anwen Elias ◽  
Filippo Tronconi

In many Western European states, an increasing number of autonomist parties are taking part in government at state and regional levels. To date, however, scholars have paid little attention to the repercussions of government incumbency for these actors. This article aims to take a first step towards redressing this oversight. Based on an extensive literature examining political parties in government, we formulate hypotheses about how autonomist parties will approach, behave within and be affected by government office. We test these hypotheses by examining the participation of autonomist parties in regional and state governments in Western Europe since 1945. The findings demonstrate that the difficult decisions autonomist parties must make when entering government, the subsequent dilemmas and challenges that must be resolved once the threshold of government has been crossed, and the consequences of government incumbency, are similar to those faced by any political party in government. However, the fact that autonomist parties operate within a multi-level political context can render these challenges more complex than is the case for political parties operating (mainly or exclusively) at a single territorial level, usually that of the state. The article concludes by identifying key factors that affect the success of autonomist parties in government.

2007 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 607-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen

Changes in Western European political parties in general have attracted considerable scholarly interest, whereas changes in party competition have been almost overlooked in an otherwise extensive literature. Using the party manifesto data set, this article documents that party competition in Western Europe is increasingly characterised by issue competition, i.e. competition for the content of the party political agenda. What should be the most salient issues for voters: unemployment, the environment, refugees and immigrants, law and order, the welfare state or foreign policy? This change is crucial because it raises a question about the factors determining the outcome of issue competition. Is it the structure of party competition itself or more unpredictable factors, such as media attention, focusing events or skilful political communication? The two answers to this question have very different implications for the understanding of the role of political parties in today's Western European democracies.


1998 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ertman

Almost none of the conditions that, according to the latest research, favor democratic durability were present in Western Europe between the world wars. Yet only four Western European states became dictatorships during this period, whereas the others remained democratic despite economic crisis, an unhelpful international system, and the lure of nondemocratic alternatives. Several recent works offer new explanations for this pattern of interwar outcomes. Insofar as these works analyze the entire universe of Western European cases, they represent an important methodological advance. However, they remain too wedded to a class-coalitional framework to provide both a parsimonious and a historically accurate account of why democracy collapsed in some states but not in others. This article proposes an alternative explanatory framework that focuses on how political parties can shape association life in such a way as to support or undermine democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Serdar Kaya

AbstractThis study creates an index that reveals the extent to which Western European countries accommodate Islamic traditions and practices. The index covers six realms in which Muslim communities seek accommodation: (1) education, (2) chaplaincy services, (3) mosques, (4) cemeteries, (5) Islamic attire, and (6) halal food. The study examines and quantifies the state policies in twenty Western European countries on both national and municipal levels with a particular focus on actual implementation. Results indicate that Western European countries vary widely in terms of their accommodation of Islam. There are also notable within-country differences, due in part to regional governments, as they also make and/or implement policy decisions. Both between- and within-country variations in the accommodation of Islam reveal a variety of nuances, and blur dual categories, such as ethnic-civic and assimilationist-integrationist.


2019 ◽  
pp. 43-53
Author(s):  
Yuliia BEVZ

The article is devoted to the research of the state of the legal basis of organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine. Attention is drawn to the fact that the legal basis for the organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine is mainly the general provisions of normative legal acts, namely: the Constitution of Ukraine, the Tax Code of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine», «On the Election of the President of Ukraine» , «On the Election of the People’s Deputies of Ukraine», «On the Local Elections», «On the State Registration of Legal Entities and Individuals — Entrepreneurs and Public Entities», etc. It is established that, although certain norms determine the peculiarities of creation, registration, activity and termination of political parties, their structural formations, a number of provisions of legislation regarding the organization and functioning of political parties require further elaboration. According to the results of the analysis, the main directions of improvement of the legal basis for the organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine were proposed, in particular: clarification of the definition of the term «political party» contained in Art. 2 of the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine» basing on the legal essence of this concept; defining the principles of political party activity; clarification of the list of documents submitted by the applicant for state registration of political parties; defining an exhaustive list of grounds for refusal to register a political party in order to prevent free interpretation by the bodies of registration of the provisions of legislation; specifying the procedure for state registration of political parties and providing additional time for eliminating deficiencies in the documents submitted for registration (suspension of consideration of documents submitted for state registration); determining the procedure for adopting, registering amendments and additions to the statute of a political party; the procedure for convening and holding the constituent congress (conferences, meetings), the procedure for forming and powers of governing party bodies; the need to determine the status of property after the cessation of political party activity. It is proposed to amend certain articles of the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine» and the Law of Ukraine «On State Registration of Legal Entities and Individuals — Entrepreneurs and Public Formations».


Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Udiyo Basuki

In a democratic country the relationship between the state and the people must be a reflection of a mutualistic symbiosis. This means that these relationships must be mutually dependent and mutually beneficial. This relationship will be evident when the political system developed by a country provides sufficient space for political activities in the community. This space for political activity will give color to democratic life in a country. The principle of democracy and people's sovereignty requires people's participation in the life of the state administration. People or citizens are not only objects, but subjects and play an important role in the life of the state. For this reason, the existence of a representative institution is an absolute that must be fulfilled in a democratic country with people's sovereignty. According to modern democracy, political parties, general elections and representative institutions are three institutions that cannot be separated from one another. That every political party will always strive to gain large popular support during general elections so that the representative institution can be dominated by the political party concerned.Keywords: political parties, general elections, democracy.


Author(s):  
Milena B. Methodieva

One of the most important goals was to encourage Muslims to participate in politics in the name of higher patriotic ideals. The Bulgarian political context presented opportunities and obstacles. Bulgaria was a parliamentary electoral democracy and Muslims became involved in political life from the very beginning. Although some Bulgarians were skeptical about Muslims participation in elections and the national assembly, Bulgarian political parties routinely courted Muslim votes. Certain prominent reformist figures argued for the establishment of a Muslim political party which would be the only proper advocate of Muslim interests, however, such ambitions were not realized. At the same time, reformers contested the position of the established Muslim leadership resorting to common tactics popular in the local political environment. The chapter looks at some of the major campaigns launched by Muslim reformers, as well as the actions of their Muslim adversaries.


Author(s):  
Putu Eva Ditayani

This research examines the dissolution of political party by Constitutional Court, that becomes its authorities based on Article 24C UUDNRI 1945, from human right perspective. Indonesia as the state that implemented law of state of law acknowledge human rights as stated in the Constitution. Neverttheless, freedom of association as one of the principle of human rights as regulated in the Constitution, which used as the base of formation of a political party, can be ruled out and has limited implementation in which norms conflict arises. Limitation of freedom association is reflected in the sanction imposed by the Constitutional Court regarding dissolution of political party. The dissolution of political party by the Constitutional Court refers to certain regulation as Act No. 39 of 1999 that regulating Human Rights, Act No. 24 of 2003 that regulating The Constitutional Court, Act No. 2 of 2008 regulating Political Party, and The Constitutional Court Regulation governing the dissolution of a political party procedures by the Constutional Court. This research is a normative legal research that investigates the dissolution of a political party by the Constitutional Court that contrasts with formation of a political party as a representation of freedom of association, one of the human rights principle, without assessment on implementations or practices regarding those norms. According to descriptive analysis based on legal material regarding this issue, the limitation of freedom to associate can be performed based on Article 4 ICCPR 1966 because it can be considered as a right that its fulfillment can be limited by law. That dissolution by the Constitutional Court is not considered as violation of freedom to associate since the sanction only be imposed to violation of regulations by political parties. The purpose of limitation is only to protect the integrity of Republic of Indonesia and the discipline of the community, nation, and state members.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Harust ◽  
Yevhen Durnov ◽  
Andrii Boichuk ◽  
Olena Chernezhenko ◽  
Ivan Holosnichenko

The relevance of this article is conditioned by the decentralization of the reform of political power in Ukraine, which presents the State with the permanent challenge of finding new ways to solve the problems of governance and governability at the district and regional level. The objective of the article was to carry out a scientific investigation on the mechanism of introduction of institutes of prefects in Ukraine, based on the experience of the main western European countries. The main research methods are general and specific, including the methods of logic, analysis and comparison of the sources consulted. The results of this study are to identify ways to introduce an institute of prefects in Ukraine. By way of conclusion, it highlights the importance of the results obtained, which is reflected in the fact that this study can serve as a basis to delineate future changes to the current legislation of Ukraine on issues of state administration, at the district and regional level, by introducing the institute of prefects.


Author(s):  
Adams Oloo

The chapter addresses the weaknesses of political parties in Kenya, which include structural constraints; institutional fragilities; legal hurdles; the nature of society; and, in the case of opposition parties, insubordination to the state machinery. Despite the foregoing challenges, the chapter demonstrates how the country has held regular and periodic elections since Independence under various party systems—something that stands as a testimony to a rich political party history. On this basis, the chapter concludes by asserting that, despite the numerous weaknesses of Kenyan parties, there exist several opportunities for political party development, especially under the 2010 Constitution. Such opportunities include an improved regulatory framework, the institutionalization of political parties, greater access to human and financial resources, and stronger party ownership by ordinary citizens and members.


1999 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-113

United Parties v. Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs [1998] 1 LRC 614 (Supreme Court of Zimbabwe)In 1992 the Political Parties (Finance) Act was passed which made provision for the state funding of political parties. Section 3(3) provided that all political parties would be entitled to state funding in proportion to the number of their members elected to parliament, so long as they had a minimum of 15 elected members. At that time ZANU(PF) candidates were elected to 117 of the 120 parliamentary seats and in the 1995 general election this increased to 118 out of 120 seats. The effect of section 3(3) was that only ZANU(PF) qualified for state funding. The applicant was a recognized political party formed in 1994. It had no members of parliament and thus did not qualify for any state funding. It sought a declaration that section 3 infringed the constitutional right to freedom of expression and was therefore invalid.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document