scholarly journals Reaching across the aisle

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 746-759 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Louwerse ◽  
Simon Otjes ◽  
David M Willumsen ◽  
Patrik Öhberg

The divide between government and opposition is clearly visible in the way members of parliament vote, but the variation in government–opposition voting has been left relatively unexplored. This is particularly the case for contextual variation in the extent to which parliamentary voting behaviour follows the government–opposition divide. This article attempts to explain levels of government–opposition voting by looking at three factors: first, the majority status of cabinets (differentiating between majority and minority cabinets), cabinet ideology (differentiating between more centrist and more extremist cabinets) and norms about cabinet formation (differentiating between wholesale and partial alternation in government). The study includes variation at the level of the country, the government and the vote. The article examines voting in the Netherlands (with a history of partial alternation) and Sweden (with a history of wholesale alternation). We find strong support for the effect of cabinet majority status, cabinet ideology and norms about cabinet formation on government–opposition voting.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-134
Author(s):  
Agung Perdana Kusuma

In the 18th century, although the Dutch Company controlled most of the archipelago, the Netherlands also experienced a decline in trade. This was due to the large number of corrupt employees and the fall in the price of spices which eventually created the VOC. Under the rule of H.W. Daendels, the colonial government began to change the way of exploitation from the old conservative way which focused on trade through the VOC to exploitation managed by the government and the private sector. Ulama also strengthen their ties with the general public through judicial management, and compensation, and waqaf assets, and by leading congregational prayers and various ceremonies for celebrating birth, marriage and death. Their links with a large number of artisans, workers (workers), and the merchant elite were very influential.


2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
TAYLOR C. SHERMAN

AbstractWhilst the history of the Indian diaspora after independence has been the subject of much scholarly attention, very little is known about non-Indian migrants in India. This paper traces the fate of Arabs, Afghans and other Muslim migrants after the forcible integration of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1948. Because these non-Indian Muslims were doubly marked as outsiders by virtue of their foreign birth and their religious affiliation, the government of India wished to deport these men and their families. But the attempt to repatriate these people floundered on both political and legal shoals. In the process, many were left legally stateless. Nonetheless, migrants were able to creatively change the way they self-identified both to circumvent immigration controls and to secure greater privileges within India.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janjira Sombatpoonsiri

Street interactions between the police and protesters can serve as a barometer of state–society conflict. This article seeks to examine the way in which the police respond to anti-government protests, and how these responses influence the politics of legitimacy at stake. Through the examination of protest policing in Thailand’s decade-long political conflicts, which reached the zenith in 2013–2014, I will show that police responses to these protests were a mixture of three approaches: accommodative, restrictive and hands-off. At least four factors influenced the interplay of these methods: (i) the police’s tactical improvement, which however faces structural challenges; (ii) a history of police politicization; (iii) extreme characteristics of the protests; and (iv) the nature of conflict over governmental legitimacy contributing to public mistrust in the police. The Thai case illustrates that handling anti-government protests necessitates political sensitivity and creativity. Otherwise, the government and especially the police can run the risk of further damaging public trust and institutional legitimacy.


1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. J. Jupp

One generalization which can be made about politics in the reign of George III with a fair degree of certainty is that the vast majority of M.P.s did not consider their conduct in the House of Commons as predetermined by the wishes of their electors; they preferred to see themselves as elected as members of Parliament rather than as delegates to Parliament. Moreover, despite the recent concentration of some historians upon the history of Parliament, the discipline of psephology rarely engaged the attention of politicians after a general election. These two attitudes of mind, which together indicated a clear division between electoral and Parliamentary politics, were nowhere more prevalent than in constituencies where landed interests were predominant. These, which comprised the majority in Scotland and Wales, were, after 1801, also thought to predominate in Ireland. This, in fact, was part of the reason why the Whigs at Westminster so firmly opposed the Union during the debates in 1799 and 1800. They argued in effect that in Ireland, as in Scotland, there was little dependence upon electors and a great dependence upon patronage; that the union with Scotland had added a substantial proportion of the forty-five M.P.s to the ranks of the government of the day; and that the union with Ireland would add near a 100 more. In fact the traditional picture of Irish electoral politics between 1801–26 is that, notwithstanding the fact that in Ireland the economic and social position and above all the religious sentiments of the majority of the electors were nowhere more clearly opposed to those of their M.P.s, the constituencies remained firmly controlled by the leading landed, and therefore Protestant, interests, the majority of whom supported every administration. The purpose of this article, however, is to argue that the Catholic vote in Irish constituencies was an integral and important factor in elections before 1820; that it not only played its part at elections but that it also affected in some degree the conduct of Irish M.P.s in the House of Commons towards the question of Catholic emancipation.


Quaerendo ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 317-338
Author(s):  
José Luis Gonzalo Sánchez-Molero

AbstractThe city of Antwerp occupies a special place in the history of relations between Spain and the Netherlands during the centuries of the modern period. Hispano-Netherlandish relations in the centuries of the modern period have been studied from many different points of view. On this occasion we propose to delve into the origins of the very important links created around books and to deal, in particular, with the beginnings of the production of books in Spanish in Antwerp. Our intention here, therefore, is not to make a new listing of the editions printed at that time but a quite different one: to analyse the way in which this interesting publishing phenomenon developed in its origins and within a very specific period of time: the years prior to Christophe Plantin’s great publishing success.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-141
Author(s):  
Inayatullah Bhatti ◽  
Imdad Hussain Sahito

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is one of the huge and promising projects in the history of the world in general and of Pakistan in particular. The significance of this work on CPEC can be gauged that it has discussed few aspects i.e. engagement of Baloch people, special economic zones etc., which are rarely touched by the academia and professionals. This work reviews on different aspects of the project opined by well-known researchers and experts of the field. Through an analytic and logical reasoning this work has elaborated about the opportunities and challenges nagging to this huge project. This paper has found that there are innumerable challenges which government faces to execute and operationalize of this project. But the government is strongly determined to remove these challenges and it has taken some pragmatic initiatives for the eradication of challenges in the way of this very project and ease to develop different projects under the umbrella of CPEC.


1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 299-313
Author(s):  
Robert P. Barnes

The perspective of time has allowed most British historians to declare the English phase of the British Revolution of 1688-1689 “glorious” whereas the Scottish developments largely have been ignored as inconsequential. Although Scotland was included in Macaulay's History of England, for the past century it has been mentioned only briefly in historical treatments of the Revolution. Yet the Scottish Convention Parliament of 1689 not only followed and fulfilled the English Parliament's revolutionary initiative, but in an independent process paved the way for a more fundamental, uncompromising, and far-reaching constitutional settlement.Lacking foresight to know that their best efforts would be amalgamated in the Union of 1707, Scottish politicians in 1689 forged ahead with a radical revolution that terminated Stuart absolutism and provided a fleeting chance for national independence under a constitutional monarchy. The event which opened the way for a revolutionary constitutional settlement was the forfeiture of the throne by James II & VII and the subsequent conditional offering of the same to William and Mary by the Scottish Estates in the spring of 1689.In January 1689 following the final flight of James VII from Britain and the simultaneous collapse of his Scottish administration, the leaders of the Scottish aristocracy assembled at Whitehall and temporarily placed the government of their realm in the hands of Prince William of Orange pending a Convention Parliament.


2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 214-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manon van de Riet ◽  
Wim Bernasco ◽  
Peter van der Laan

The police in the Netherlands have traditionally been characterised by restraint when dealing with cases involving minors. However, this policy of minimal intervention appears to be waning in recent years. This shift from welfare to justice seems to be in line with the developments in other European countries. This article comments on this development by framing it in the long-term history of juvenile policing in the Netherlands. It describes the founding and development of the Juvenile Police as an organisation, and sketches the parallel changes in juvenile policing that occurred during the twentieth century. The organisation of juvenile policing has changed considerably over time with a visible tendency away from welfare oriented policing. As such, restraint and minimal intervention may no longer characterise the way Dutch police handle juvenile offenders.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Wapula N. Raditloaneng

<p><em>This article serves to illuminate that Botswana’s political landscape in the last 49 years has been very dramatic in the trend of women’s visibility in cabinet and parliament. Post independence trends indicate non-existence of women in the first Botswana parliament, a gradual increase in the number of women in parliament during the 1990s, ranging from 5 to 8, and a sharp collapse in the last decade to only 6 in 2</em><em>014 (Botswana Gazette, 2014)</em><em>.</em><em> </em><em>Women, just like men, need to be groomed to be politically literate and aggressive to make a transition and compete with their male counterparts for parliamentary and cabinet seats. Women’s political illiteracy and history of being invisible in Southern African parliaments, particularly the highest decision-making organ of the Government of Botswana, is evident, based on numbers. Politics has remained a male province, with very few women as cabinet ministers or members of parliament. </em></p><p><em>Based on an analysis of trends in the political landscape in Botswana, political ethnography, historiography and the Critical Third World Feminist Theory, the authors argue that lack of political literacy and patriotism are major sources of women’s failure to make it to parliament. These pose implications for accelerated role of Adult Continuing and lifelong education of women in politics to raise their level of political literacy.</em></p>


Subject Outlook for the Dutch government. Significance The popularity of Prime Minister Mark Rutte’s four-party government has decreased in recent months amid workers’ protests and controversy over parts of its new climate deal. Having lost its majority in both houses, the government will struggle to pass legislation in order to strengthen its track record ahead of the 2021 election unless it compromises with the opposition, which will likely alienate core supporters. Impacts The priority given to social spending will likely mean the Netherlands will not reach the NATO goal of 2% of GDP defence spending by 2025. Climate legislation is now far more likely to be contested and amended in parliament, as it cannot be passed without opposition parties. Rutte’s departure would be an important loss for the EU, given his strong support for EU cooperation and negotiating skills.


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