The Ideological Foundations of Affective Polarization in the U.S. Electorate

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-647 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven W. Webster ◽  
Alan I. Abramowitz
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
National Election ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Close Connection ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Present Evidence ◽  
The Past ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The U.S

Democratic and Republican partisans dislike the opposing party and its leaders far more than in the past. However, recent studies have argued that the rise of affective polarization in the electorate does not reflect growing policy or ideological differences between supporters of the two parties. According to this view, though Democratic and Republican elites are sharply divided along ideological lines, differences between the policy preferences of rank-and-file partisans remain modest. In this article, we show that there is a close connection between ideological and affective polarization. We present evidence from American National Election Studies surveys that opinions on social welfare issues have become increasingly consistent and divided along party lines and that social welfare ideology is now strongly related to feelings about the opposing party and its leaders. In addition, we present results from a survey experiment showing that ideological distance strongly influences feelings toward opposing party candidates and the party as a whole.

scholarly journals Shifting the Balance among the ‘Three Rs of Sustainability:’ What Motivates Reducing and Reusing?

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (18) ◽  
pp. 10093
Author(s):  
Carrie M. Leslie ◽  
Alva I. Strand ◽  
Elizabeth A. Ross ◽  
Giovanni Tolentino Ramos ◽  
Eli S. Bridge ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Waste Management ◽  
Peer Pressure ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Waste Materials ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Energy Expenditures ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Three Rs ◽  
The U.S

The “Three Rs of Sustainability—Reduce, Reuse, Recycle,” are central tenets of many community waste-management programs promoting responsible use of natural resources and ecosystem services. Over the past few decades, recycling has become widespread, but monetary and energy expenditures required to transport and transform waste materials have led to downsizing of recycling programs globally and in the U.S. This trend increases the need for effective reducing and reusing practices as alternatives to recycling. Using a survey experiment to examine motivations that underlie reducing and reusing behaviors, individuals reported their current reducing, reusing, and recycling practices. Respondents then were provided with three hypothetical scenarios that described (1) an external waste-management threat to public well-being, (2) social/peer pressure from family and friends towards sustainable decision-making, and (3) increased convenience of reusing and reducing practices. These messages reflect previously identified RRR motivations. After the scenarios, the questions regarding recycling, reducing, and reusing behavior were presented again to test for changes in the responses. All three scenarios were effective in increasing intended reducing and reusing behavior. The threat scenario was slightly more effective than the others, particularly among individuals who reported behavior with considerable recycling practices but not as much reducing and reusing.

Macropartisanship: An Empirical Reassessment

1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Abramson ◽  
Charles W. Ostrom
Keyword(s):  
Survey Research ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
National Election ◽  
Research Center ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Term Variation ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The U.S

To evaluate the comparability of the Gallup and Michigan Survey Research Center measures for studying levels of partisanship among the U.S. electorate we compare the overtime distribution of partisanship and the correlates of partisanship using the results of Gallup surveys, the National Election Studies, and the General Social Surveys. Compared with the Gallup results, both the other two surveys reveal less short-term variation and also less total variation. Compared with the Gallup results, the National Election Studies partisanship results are less related to short-term electoral outcomes and do not appear to be strongly driven by short-term economic and political evaluations. Our analyses suggest that scholars should be cautious about using Gallup results to revise conclusions based upon analyses that employ the Michigan Survey Research Center party identification measure.

scholarly journals A Comparison of Incumbency Across Institutions: A Look at the House, Senate, and Governorships

2005 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 287-303
Author(s):  
Brad Lockerbie
Keyword(s):  
Economic Performance ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
National Election ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
Gubernatorial Elections ◽  
The Past ◽  
Economic Expectations ◽  
Election Studies

Using the American National Election Studies of 1990, 1994, and 1998, we can see that there is an incumbency advantage for governors, senators, and members of the House of Representatives. There is, however, some variability to the magnitude of the incumbency advantage. Moreover, it appears to follow a rather sensible pattern. It appears to be strongest for members of the House and weakest for Governors. When looking at House elections, we can see that incumbency is more powerful than is party identification. When we look at senatorial and gubernatorial elections, the items appear to be more evenly matched. When we look at evaluations of the national parties performance and expectations of performance, the picture becomes much more muddy. Gubernatorial candidates consistently avoid being held accountable for their national parties past economic performance. Candidates for the House and Senate are largely able to avoid responsibility for the past economic performance of their national parties. Economic expectations, however, are modestly more related to vote choice.

scholarly journals Political Conversations in the United States: Who Talks to Whom, Why, and Why Not

1995 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 277-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Earl Bennett ◽  
Bonnie Fisher ◽  
David Resnick
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
National Election ◽  
Logit Analysis ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The U.S

Although normative political theorists have argued that citizens talking with other citizens about public affairs is essential in a democracy, empirically oriented political scientists have tended to ignore political discussions. This paper draws on National Election Studies and General Social Surveys to plumb the extent and breadth of political conversations in the U.S. We also explore who talks about public affairs, with whom they speak, and why some people avoid discussing politics. A logit analysis of pooled National Election Studies from 1984 to 1992 shows that some factors typically thought to affect taking part in politics are not significant predictors of the probability that people will engage in political discussions, but other variables not normally included in participation models do affect talking about politics.

Issue Attitudes and Survey Continuity across Interview Mode in the 2000 NES

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian J. Fogarty ◽  
Nathan J. Kelly ◽  
H. Whitt Kilburn
Keyword(s):  
Telephone Interview ◽  
Covariance Structure ◽  
National Election ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Sample Design ◽  
Alternative Method ◽  
Survey Results ◽  
Attitude Scales ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The U.S

Can researchers draw consistent inferences about the U.S. public's issue attitudes when studying survey results from both the in-person and telephone interview modes of the 2000 National Election Studies (NES) survey? We address this question through an analysis contrasting the distribution of issue attitudes across modes in the dual sample design of the 2000 NES. We find clear differences across mode even when applying a method devised by the NES to improve comparability by recoding issue attitude scales from the in-person mode. We present an alternative method of recoding these scales, which substantially improves comparability between modes. Through an analysis of the covariance structure of the issues and simple models of vote choice, we discuss the implications of the results for the study of issue attitudes in the 2000 NES.

Negativity in the Evaluation of Political Candidates

2005 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill G. Klein ◽  
Rohini Ahluwalia
Keyword(s):  
National Election ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Past ◽  
Negativity Effect ◽  
Election Studies

Prior research has demonstrated a clear negativity effect (greater weighting of candidate weaknesses compared with strengths) in the evaluation of U.S. presidential candidates in each of the past six elections analyzed. The authors adopt a motivational view and question the robustness of this finding. They reanalyze past National Election Studies data along with new data and conclude that the negativity effect is not universal across voters; it is a robust effect only for voters who dislike the candidate. They argue that previous findings are due to aggregation of data across voters who vary in their motivations.

Issues, Agendas, and Decision Making on the Supreme Court

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (4) ◽  
pp. 853-865 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin T. McGuire ◽  
Barbara Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Agenda Building ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The U.S

In the process of agenda setting, the U.S. Supreme Court is limited to selecting from among only those cases brought before it. Despite this limitation, the justices possess considerable discretion and can reshape the issues in a case as a means of advancing their policy preferences. With data drawn from the Court's opinions, we find that, over the past twenty-five years, the justices have evinced a frequent willingness to expand the issues on their plenary docket and resolve questions not formally presented by the parties. We conclude that, notwithstanding informal norms that disapprove of this practice, issue fluidity is an important component in a continuous program of agenda building.

Soziale Disziplinierung im flexiblen Kapitalismus

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 339-356
Author(s):  
Tobias Wölfle ◽  
Oliver Schöller
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Second Step ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
Capitalist Development ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Municipal Level

Under the term “Hilfe zur Arbeit” (aid for work) the federal law of social welfare subsumes all kinds of labour disciplining instruments. First, the paper shows the historical connection of welfare and labour disciplining mechanisms in the context of different periods within capitalist development. In a second step, against the background of historical experiences, we will analyse the trends of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” during the past two decades. It will be shown that by the rise of unemployment, the impact of labour disciplining aspects of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” has increased both on the federal and on the municipal level. For this reason the leverage of the liberal paradigm would take place even in the core of social rights.

The National Election Studies Revisited

1990 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 141-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson Wiseman
Keyword(s):  
National Election ◽  
Election Studies

Novel Drugs and Biologics of 2016: A Boom for Neurodrugs in the Pipelin

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 3809-3814
Author(s):  
D Samba Reddy
Keyword(s):  
Muscular Atrophy ◽  
Clinical Care ◽  
New Drugs ◽  
Essential Medicines ◽  
High Demand ◽  
The Past ◽  
Novel Drugs ◽  
Innovative Products ◽  
Cns Drugs ◽  
The U.S

This article provides a brief overview of novel drugs approved by the U.S. FDA in 2016.  It also focuses on the emerging boom in the development of neurodrugs for central nervous system (CNS) disorders. These new drugs are innovative products that often help advance clinical care worldwide, and in 2016, twenty-two such drugs were approved by the FDA. The list includes the first new drug for disorders such as spinal muscular atrophy, Duchenne muscular dystrophy or hallucinations and delusions of Parkinson’s disease, among several others. Notably, nine of twenty-two (40%) were novel CNS drugs, indicating the industry shifting to neurodrugs. Neurodrugs are the top selling pharmaceuticals worldwide, especially in America and Europe. Therapeutic neurodrugs have proven their significance many times in the past few decades, and the CNS drug portfolio represents some of the most valuable agents in the current pipeline. Many neuroproducts are vital or essential medicines in the current therapeutic armamentarium, including dozens of “blockbuster drugs” (drugs with $1 billion sales potential).  These drugs include antidepressants, antimigraine medications, and anti-epilepsy medications. The rise in neurodrugs’ sales is predominantly due to increased diagnoses of CNS conditions. The boom for neuromedicines is evident from the recent rise in investment, production, and introduction of new CNS drugs.  There are many promising neurodrugs still in the pipeline, which are developed based on the validated “mechanism-based” strategy. Overall, disease-modifying neurodrugs that can prevent or cure serious diseases, such as multiple sclerosis, epilepsy, and Alzheimer’s disease, are in high demand. 

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