Imperial legality through ‘Exception’: Gun control in the Russian Empire

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 448-468
Author(s):  
Tatiana Borisova

Several days after a failed assassination attempt on the life of the Russian Tsar on 2 April 1879, a new regime of ‘permission to exercise the right to purchase and carry weapons’ was introduced in St. Petersburg. Despite the fact that the first attempt on Alexander II's life occurred in 1866 (also in St. Petersburg), it took 13 years to make a radical departure from the previously unrestricted regime of access to arms in the capital of the Russian Empire. In this article, I analyse archival materials documenting how this new regime of weapons ownership was implemented. In particular, I am interested in the dimensions of locality and temporality in the practices by which imperial legislation introduced gun control in St. Petersburg and Warsaw, the Russian Empire's most cosmopolitan cities. The archival documents that I rely on show that the gun control regulations that were intended to be a repressive act of the authorities in reality unfolded as a process of negotiations and merciful exclusions. The intermediaries of the imperial legal order reacted to the international challenges that were posed by emergent revolutionary movements, including the negotiation of the permissible restriction of subjects’ rights. As a result, new practices of ‘public safety’ were implemented as exceptional measures – both locally and temporally. This article sheds light on the imperial legal regime of gun control as a practice of ‘exception’.

Author(s):  
Tetiana Vydaichuk

Background. The article aims at establishing the ideological, political, national, educational, and scientific processes which contributed to establishing the Ukrainian language in all spheres of usage and fostered its functional-stylistic development. The paper centers around the language socioleme, that is the history of Ukrainian speakers, readers, and writers, language researchers and those who fought for the right of Ukrainian to be the language of education and the subject of scientific study.Purpose. The article aims at highlighting the struggle for the rights of the Ukrainian language in 1905–1917, as well as some aspects of the Russian Empire language policy as regards university education in Dnieper Ukraine. The research material comprises the ideas of the then scholars and public figures, which appeared in the media at the time (predominantly in the Rada newspaper), archival documents, and gendarme papers.Methods. The article relies primarily on the descriptive method, coupled with elements of the contrastive method and the biographical analysis.Results. The struggle for the Ukrainian language rights in the realm of education began with the demand to establish native language courses at private educational institutions and an extensive Kharkiv and Odesa student campaign for the right to take courses in Ukrainian Studies. Fresh impetus was provided by Kyiv St. Volodymyr University students’ address to the academic council, appealing for the establishment of Departments of Ukrainian Studies. The Imperial University administration did not support the student initiative, which triggered a widespread debate in public and academic circles in Ukraine at the time.Discussion. Generally, up to 1917–1920 (the age of the Ukrainian Revolution) universities and other educational institutions featured no systematic annual academic courses in the Ukrainian language, its dialectal variation, or its history. At the time, Ukrainian did not function as the language of education and science in Dnieper Ukraine, nor was it an object of rigorous academic study. The Russian Empire language and national policy remained anti-Ukrainian, in disregard of the liberties declared in 1905.


2021 ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
Alfina T. Sibgatullina

This year marks the 105th anniversary of the operation conducted during the First World War: during this operation Russian troops, after a series of successful actions on land and at sea, captured the Black Sea port of Trebizond (today Trabzon). The capture of Trebizond helped to improve the basic conditions of the Black Sea Fleet and enabled an unimpeded delivery of reinforcements by sea to the right flank of the Russian army in the Caucasus. As a result, the Russian empire was close to establishing control over a significant part of the Ottoman Turkey’s territory. In the aftermath of the operation, the local Muslim population left Trebizond together with the Turkish army. The Russians, who entered the city without a fight, set for the transforming the city in their own way. Turkish historians, using the material of the Ottoman, Russian, and foreign periodicals, as well as archival documents, have studied in detail the intricacies of the Russians stay in the city, revealing also the damage caused by the war to the cultural and historical heritage of the region. This article provides a brief analysis of selected Turkish studies dedicated to the 100th and 105th anniversary of the Trebizond operation. It also discusses the issue of war refugees and the activities of Russian scientists, who were engaged in the collection of historical monuments in Trebizond during the war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
V. P. Gorbachov

The article discusses the practice of the relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie, which formed during the investigation of political crimes in the Russian Empire after the judicial reform of 1864. It is indicated that the law of May 19, 1871 changed the legal relationships between the gendarmerie and the Prosecutor’s office. The gendarmerie was given the right to conduct an inquiry, and the prosecutor’s office was entrusted with the supervision of this activity. Central agencies targeted the prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie to coordinate their activities in the investigation of political crimes, which resulted in their gradual rapprochement. In practice, the Prosecutor’s office began to take an active part in the conduct of inquiries on the state crimes. As a result, it gradually lost its original meaning “guardian of the law and an impartial observer for the correctness of the actions of a person who conducted the inquiry”. The actual relationships between the Prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie was not unambiguous. They largely depended on specific individuals and could be diametrically opposed. Along with the relations of “mutual understanding” there were also facts of direct conflicts between the prosecutor’s office and the gendarmerie. Despite such different relationship, in society, the existing level of political repression “was attributed to the joint and solidary activities of zealous gendarmes with zealous prosecutors”. The career of prosecutors depended largely on the relationship with the gendarmerie. Later, during the inquiry, many prosecutors began to lose their impartiality and gradually turned into agents of gendarmerie goals. According to the figurative expression of the former Chairman of the Council of Ministers S. Witte, the Minister of justice himself “from the Supreme guardian of legality became an assistant to the chief of gendarmes and the chief of secret police”.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (XXIV) ◽  
pp. 183-196
Author(s):  
Сергей Лазарян

The Russian authorities used repressive measures against the Poles, who were active partic-ipants in the November 1830 and January 1863 uprisings. These measures included arrest and ex-pulsion to the inner provinces of the Russian Empire under the supervision of the police without the right to return to their homeland; the inclusion in military garrisons stationed in various parts of the empire; the direction to serve in the troops in the Caucasus, where military operations were conducted against the local highlanders and expulsion to hard labour and settlement in Siberia or in the internal provinces of Russia.The severity of repressive measures was determined by the fact that, in the exiled Poles, they saw a source of hatred spreading towards the tsarist government. The authorities feared the influ-ence of their thoughts on the liberal strata of Russian society, especially on young people. With such measures, they tried to suppress the restless minds. The imperial authorities also feared the reaction of Europe, which threatened Russia with “anathema” and intervention.


Author(s):  
Gennadiy G. Bril’ ◽  
Leonid N. Zaytsev

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 140-145
Author(s):  
Матвеева ◽  
Evgeniya Matveeva

In the article gives the characteristic and the importance of the Spiritual Consistory as the highest church judicial body for the parish clergy in the Russian Empire based on the content of legislative acts regulating the activities of Orthodox Russian church periodicals, archival documents, as well as interpretations and perceptions of modern scientists. Methodological basis of the research is essential principles of history science, such as consistency, Historicism, interdisciplinary and scientific objectivity that allow to review the studied facts and events in the dynamics and interactions. Consideration of the key issues is done within the context of dichotomy of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian State as a whole and on the basis of the development of the overall social policy in particular. The article deals with the powers and competence of the ecclesiastical courts of the Russian Empire in the 19th and early 20th century. This period, XIX-beginning of XX century, is characterized by the desire of the State to control the Church and its activities, including those directed towards identifying ethos of professional suitability and clergy. The author proves that trial was closed against the clergy and had corporate character.


Author(s):  
Sergei Teleshov ◽  
Elena Teleshova

The unique material returning us to the history of a question on possible primogenitors of the Russian State Pedagogical University, the long years, was a smithy of the best teacher's staff of the Russian empire and then the USSR is offered to attention of readers. Whether it is lawful to adhere only to one version of the occurrence of the pedagogical university? The reader can find some answers to an asked question in an offered material. And all of them, probably, have the right to existence. Scientific researchers are guided first of all by the facts (the facts, as speak, a stubborn thing). However, the facts powerless before politicians who interpret history randomly. Nevertheless, we insist that the history of pedagogical university, began in 1903 with the creation of Women's teacher training college. Key words: history of pedagogy, Educational House, teacher's seminary, pedagogical college, pedagogical university.


2020 ◽  
pp. 602-614
Author(s):  
Rafael A. Arslanov ◽  
◽  
Elena V. Linkova ◽  

The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Irina Shikhova ◽  
◽  
Iulii Palihovici ◽  

The article for the first time in Romanian examines the Jewish ethnological aspect of the history of law in the Russian Empire. The authors, using specific primary material of legislative acts, as well as other historical sources, investigate the history of the appearance of Jews within the borders of the Russian Empire, the history of the creation and functioning of the Jewish Pale of Settlement and the evolution of the official attitude towards them. The authors reveal three fundamental positions on which the entire policy of the Russian Empire regarding the Jews was built: Jews within the Russian Empire have the right to settle only in certain regions; they are attached to the kahals (later – Jewish societies), which are collectively responsible to the state; taxes from Jews are higher than from other citizens of the empire, regardless of their economic status. The particular study is devoted to the short period of liberalization in the first years of the reign of Alexander I, whose "Polojenie o evreiah" at the declarative level gave Jews almost equal rights with the rest of the citizens of the Empire and encouraged them to cultural and economic integration.. The research focuses as well on the regional aspect: history, population, territories of the modern Republic of Moldova and Romania. The chronological framework of this article is from the beginning of the reign of Catherine the Great (1762) to the creation of the Bessarabian region (1818). In the future the study will continue historically, until the collapse of the Russian Empire and the abolition of the Pale of Settlement


2019 ◽  
pp. 583-594
Author(s):  
Vadim V. Kinshin

The article presents results of the study of the fate of Napoleon’s army flags taken by Russian troops in the bloody battle of Preussisch-Eylau on January 26-27, 1807. These trophies were considered especially valuable in the Russian Empire. As the eternal symbol of the glory of the Russian arms, they were placed in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg on February 3, 1807. However, from October 1812 they were thought to have been transferred to an unknown location and fate. Lack of reliable information, confirmed by archival documents, gave birth to several unreasonable inferences and hypotheses. Although the very possibility of a complete disappearance of valuable trophies is dubious, the issue has remained unstudied. The article is to establish the fate of the trophy flags. The study of scholarship on the Russian Imperial army, memories of the participants in the battle and regimental histories allow to establish the circumstances of the French flags capture and their exact number, while Kammerfurier journals provide information on their delivery to the cathedral. Documents found in the archives have illuminated the fate that befell these flags. Contrary to conventional belief, six trophy flags were brought to the capital with an escort of two platoons of the Horse Guards Regiment. It has been established that the Preussisch-Eylau trophies had not been transferred from the Peter and Paul Cathedral in 1812, but remained there until October 1906. As careful preservation and restoration was then needed, they were transferred to the Museum of Artillery History for temporary storage, until the Military History Museum was built. In March 1918, together with other museum valuables, they were evacuated to Yaroslavl, where four were burned during the suppression of the White Guard uprising. The vestiges of the remaining two were transferred to the State Hermitage Museum in 1948.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document