scholarly journals Parties under Stress: Using a Linkage Decay Framework to Analyze the Chilean Party System

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jana Morgan ◽  
Carlos Meléndez

Conventional wisdom suggests Chile's party system is highly institutionalized. However, recent declines in participation and partisanship have begun to raise questions about this veneer of stability. This article assesses the current state of the Chilean party system, analyzing its ability to provide linkage. We specify a theoretical framework for identifying challenges to linkage and constraints on necessary adaptation. We then use this framework to evaluate linkage in the contemporary Chilean system, emphasizing how its representational profile has changed since the democratic transition. The analysis suggests the two partisan coalitions no longer present clear policy alternatives and programmatic representation increasingly depends on policy responsiveness and relics of old ideological divides. Significant institutional constraints impede parties’ ability to incorporate demands from emerging social groups, and clientelism remains a complementary but not core linkage mechanism. This evidence indicates that while representation in Chile has not yet failed, the system contains serious vulnerabilities.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-621
Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Nemanja Batrićević

AbstractIn this article we identify the factors that contribute to the formation and especially the durability/stability of governments in both Slovenia and Montenegro after they formally introduced multiparty systems and following their democratic transition, with a focus on the effect of cleavages and party system characteristics generally. Although these two polities share several important similarities (small size, common institutional setting during Yugoslav era, aspirations for membership in international organisations etc.), the nature of governments’ durability/stability in the democratic era entails distinct differences. While Montenegro stands out in post-socialist Europe as the only case where the ruling party has not been overthrown, Slovenia has been led by many governments composed of different political parties. While it seems that in neither country are the ideological characteristics of the governments able to explain their duration/stability to any important extent, it is obvious that the cleavage structure in the two countries has varied, as has the importance of particular cleavages.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey D. Andreev ◽  
Emma V. Bitsieva ◽  
Olga V. Lepeshkina ◽  
Dmitry M. Polonsky ◽  
Marina S. Savchenko

This paper presents the results of a study devoted to the legal phenomenon of political pluralism as a factor in the development of modern society and the state by the example of classical democratic countries. At the same time, attention is focused on such components of political pluralism as formalization of freedom of speech and assembly; a multi-party system, as well as a mechanism for coordinating the interests of various social groups at the parliamentary level. It was found that the most acceptable is the model operating in the FRG, since it allows people to find a balance between guarantees of political diversity, such as freedom of speech and the right to public events. The interaction between civil society institutions and parliamentarians is especially advisable when making decisions in the domestic and foreign policy of the state.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 175-192
Author(s):  
Leontiy Georgievich Byzov

Based on the 2000–2018 comparative studies of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VTsIOM), the author presents the process of transition of the “Putin era” from the stage of consolidation built upon public consensus achieved at the beginningof the “zero” (нулевых) years to the current stage of value crisis that arose in 2012–14 and lasts to this day. Although the current state of society canno tbe unequivocally interpreted as a split, contradictions in the system of values are growing. Implementation of the idea of a strong state is delegated to social groups that are least modernized. Moreover, within the state itself, frustration has been growing among the whole society. The increasing demand for change has not yet been materialized in the form of any political “body”, which makes the inevitable transit of epochs extremely risky for the country and the society.


Geografie ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 119 (3) ◽  
pp. 218-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Štefánková ◽  
Dušan Drbohlav

The article deals with regional and residential preferences of the Czech population. Regional and settlement preferences represent an interdisciplinary issue, which is relevant mostly to geography and sociology. In this article, the given issue is presented under the umbrella of a broader theoretical framework in the context of Czech and foreign studies. Selected important outputs of previous research activities in the field of regional and settlement preferences are discussed within this study, which enables it to draw a coherent picture of the given issues in Czechia and their developments over time. The main analysis is devoted to the current state of preferences of the Czech population. It is based on a representative survey, which was carried out in December 2010. The aim of the article is not only to make a comparison of regional and residential preferences over a period of almost 40 years, but also to juxtapose the patterns of regional preferences with real migration movements of the Czech population.


Water ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 3347
Author(s):  
Zwoździak Jerzy ◽  
Szałata Łukasz ◽  
Zwoździak Anna ◽  
Kwiecińska Kornelia ◽  
Byelyayev Maksym

The upcoming trends related to climate change are increasing the level of interest of social groups in solutions for the implementation and the realization of activities that will ensure the change of these trends and can reduce the impact on the environment, including the health of the community exposed to these impacts. The implementation of solutions aimed at improving the quality of the environment requires taking into account not only the environmental aspects but also the economic aspect. Taking into account the analysis of solutions changing the current state of climate change, the article focuses on the analysis of the potential economic effect caused by the implementation of nature-based solutions (NBSs) in terms of reducing the operating costs related to water retention for local social groups. The analysis is based on a case study, one of the research projects studying nature-based solutions, created as part of the Grow Green project (H2020) in Wrocław in 2017–2022. The results of the analysis are an observed potential positive change in economic effects, i.e., approximately 85.90% of the operating costs related to water retention have been reduced for local social groups by NBSs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asel Doolotkeldieva ◽  
Alexander Wolters

The parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan in October 2015 garnered widespread approval from commentators for the level of fairness and freedom maintained throughout the campaign. However, the results of the vote do not provide a clear indication of the current state of affairs of parliamentarism in the republic. Focusing on the commercialization of party lists, we argue that neither identity politics nor the logic of neopatrimonialism adequately explain the dynamics of political competition in Kyrgyzstan. Instead, we see perpetual uncertainty emerging from contradicting yet increasing attempts to harness the capital of privatized party lists and to impose discipline. Eventually, and beyond short-term threats of an emerging super-presidentialism, Kyrgyzstan risks suffering from hollow parliamentarism, with political parties persistently failing to supply legislative initiatives with substantial agendas and adequate professionals. The weakly institutionalized political parties and their short-sighted electoral strategies undermine both the parliamentary system and its political pluralism.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 93-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yann P. Kerevel

AbstractWhy do politicians in Mexico switch parties? The party-switching literature suggests that politicians generally switch parties for office-seeking or policy-seeking motives, whereas literature on the Mexican party system suggests that switching may be related to party system realignment during the democratic transition. Using data on party switching across the political careers of politicians who served as federal deputies between 1997 and 2009, this study argues that party switching in Mexico can primarily be explained by the office-seeking behavior of ambitious politicians. Only in rare instances do politicians switch parties because of policy disagreements, and party system realignment fails to explain a large number of party switches. This article also suggests that the ban on consecutive re-election encourages party switching; after every term in office, Mexican politicians have the opportunity to re-evaluate their party affiliation to continue their careers.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992093212
Author(s):  
Darin DeWitt

In this article, I present a portrait of the American power elite and their relationship with the party system. I focus on occupational categories as institutional positions and take up three questions: Which occupational categories wield social influence? How politically mobilized is each of these occupational categories? And what partisan tilt is exhibited by each category? My results help clarify the contemporary structure of American electoral competition. Furthermore, they also shed light on which social groups have a voice in American politics and, thus, speak to questions of political equality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-115
Author(s):  
Alessia Tortolini

Abstract The framework of Iranian national identity has been the cornerstone of the discourse of different social groups that aimed to establish their hegemony over the ‘imagined community’ of Iranians. The difficulty in determining the territorial delimitation of identity, as well as the process of creation-assimilation of a unitarian paradigm of identity characterised, and still characterises, Iranian politics. Therefore, the interdependence between domestic and foreign affairs and national identity can be explained under the lens of the struggle of hegemony of dominant powers and, specifically, through the theoretical framework of specific traditional or organic social groups that developed their political discourse around the different shades of Iranian ‘nationalism’.


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