Journalists’ Misjudgement of Audience Opinion

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110522
Author(s):  
David Nicolas Hopmann ◽  
Andreas R.T. Schuck

Prior studies have reported a right-leaning bias in the media’s reporting of how the public thinks of political issues, raising the question: Why, and to what extent, is this the case? One reason in particular has been discussed in this regard: Journalists judge public opinion to be more right leaning than it actually is (Beckers et al. 2021; Lewis et al. 2004). This paper therefore studies to what extent journalists misjudge audience opinion. The analyses are based on large-scale representative surveys of journalists (1993/2005) and the voting-age population (1994/2005) in Germany. Results show that German journalists (mis-)judge audience opinion to be more right-leaning than the audience sees itself. The results also show that journalists judge audience opinion to be to the right of their own stances, and that journalists in federal states with a right-leaning government and in West Germany judge audience opinion to be even further to the right. Audience feedback does not push journalists’ judgements of their audience towards the right, however. These results are discussed vis-à-vis research showing that there is a consistent bias in the depiction of opinions expressed by ordinary citizens, and research documenting that political elites overestimate public support for right-wing policies.

2021 ◽  
pp. 103530462110176
Author(s):  
Anna Sturman ◽  
Natasha Heenan

We introduce a themed collection of articles on approaches to configuring a Green New Deal as a response to the current capitalist crisis marked by ecological breakdown, economic stagnation and growing inequality. The Green New Deal is a contested political project, with pro-market, right-wing nationalist, Keynesian, democratic socialist and ecosocialist variants. Critiques of the Green New Deal include pragmatic queries as the feasibility of implementation, and theoretical challenges from the right regarding reliance on state forms and from the left regarding efforts to ameliorate capitalism. They also include concerns about technocratic bias and complaints about lack of meaningful consultation with Indigenous peoples on proposals for large-scale shifts in land use. Debates over the ideological orientation, political strategy and implementation of the Green New Deal must now account for the economic and employment impacts of COVID. JEL Codes: Q43, Q54, Q56, Q58


2011 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 907-926 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten Jensen

A novel theory of the healthcare policy of right-wing governments is presented in this article. It posits that the politics of health care is inherently different from the politics of a social policy related to the labour market. Health care protects against risks that are in the main uncorrelated with the income distribution. This implies that median voters will favour public provision, while high-income voters will not. This generates a unique challenge to right-wing governments that have to balance the interests of the two. The solution is marketization via compensation, where public spending is expanded but where public support of private market solutions is given special priority.


Author(s):  
Donald Cohen

This chapter focuses on the right wing's astonishingly successful efforts to privatize public goods and services. Privatization has been one of the highest priorities of the right wing for many years, and the chapter shows how it threatens both labor and democracy. Intentionally blurring the lines between public and private institutions, private companies and market forces undermine the common good. This chapter documents the history of privatization in the United States, from President Reagan's early efforts to Clinton and Gore's belief in private markets. Showing how privatization undermines democratic government, the chapter describes complex contracts that are difficult to understand, poorly negotiated “public–private partnership” deals, and contracts that provide incentives to deny public services. With huge amounts of money at stake, privateers are increasingly weighing in on policy debates—not based on the public interest but rather in pursuit of avenues that increase their revenues, profits, and market share. Privatization not only destroys union jobs but also aims to cripple union political involvement so that the corporate agenda can spread unfettered. Nevertheless, community-based battles against privatization have succeeded in many localities, demonstrating the power of fighting back to defend public services, public jobs, and democratic processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 353-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Sandel

The right-wing populism ascendant today is a symptom of the failure of progressive politics. Central to this failure is the uncritical embrace of a neo-liberal version of globalization that benefits those at the top but leaves ordinary citizens feeling disempowered. Progressive parties are unlikely to win back public support unless they learn from the populist protest that has displaced them —not by replicating its xenophobia and strident nationalism, but by taking seriously the legitimate grievances with which these ugly sentiments are entangled. These grievances are not only economic but also moral and cultural; they are not only about wages and jobs but also about social esteem.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 989-997
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa

The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 1045-1069 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Christopher J. Soto

The right–left dimension is ubiquitous in politics, but prior perspectives provide conflicting accounts of whether cultural and economic attitudes are typically aligned on this dimension within mass publics around the world. Using survey data from ninety-nine nations, this study finds not only that right–left attitude organization is uncommon, but that it is more common for culturally and economically right-wing attitudes to correlate negatively with each other, an attitude structure reflecting a contrast between desires for cultural and economic protection vs. freedom. This article examines where, among whom and why protection–freedom attitude organization outweighs right–left attitude organization, and discusses the implications for the psychological bases of ideology, quality of democratic representation and the rise of extreme right politics in the West.


1992 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Rowthorn ◽  
Ha-Joon Chang

This paper examines some of the main arguments relating to the effect of privatisation on efficiency. It is concerned with both narrow economic issues and wider political issues. After a critical examination of some theories, which assert that private ownership is intrinsically more efficient than public ownership, it is argued that for large scale enterprise there are no strong economic reasons for believing in the superiority of private enterprise. As long as the government in question has the will and the power to make a public enterprise function in a socially efficient fashion, the public enterprise may be just as efficient as private enterprise whilst offering additional economic and social advantages.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Doerr

This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Silmi Salimah ◽  
Reni Nuraeni, Ph.D. ◽  
Rizca Haqqu, M.Ikom.

The purpose of this study was to determine the implementation of the communication strategy carried out by the Head of the Tasikmalaya City Covid-19 Cluster Team in the implementation of Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB). The research method used is a qualitative method with data collection techniques interview, observation and documentation. The results showed that the implementation of the communication strategy carried out by the Task Force Team of the City of Tasikmalaya was in accordance with the indicators of the communication strategy ranging from the communicator determination strategy, message determination strategy, media determination strategy and audience determination strategy. The communication strategy implemented resulted in the fact that the spread of Covid-19 in Tasikmalaya City had decreased due to the implementation of discipline carried out by the apparatus as the Tasikmalaya City Covid-19 Task Force Team and communication that was conveyed to the public with the right strategy. The implementation of the communication strategy that has been carried out by the Task Force Team, the implementation of the report on the results of the Tasikmalaya City discipline presentation is reported directly to the Governor who is charged to Kominfo with the local Government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Felix Barbosa Carreiro

Cabe ao Estado garantir o direito a uma educação pública com qualidade socialmente referenciada. A julgar pelos indicadores educacionais publicados a partir dos resultados do Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica (Ideb), esse direito, no que se refere ao acesso, à permanência e ao sucesso escolar dos alunos que frequentam as escolas públicas, não está sendo sufi cientemente garantido. Apontamos como causa desse fracasso escolar a inexistência de políticas públicas educacionais focadas na aprendizagem escolar. Vale lembrar que as escolas públicas que apresentam o Ideb para além da meta, não significam necessariamente qualidade da educação. Reconhecemos que as avaliações em larga escala têm a potencialidade de subsidiar as políticas em educação com vistas à melhoria dos indicadores de qualidade do ensino e da aprendizagem, sobretudo quando os resultados são problematizados e sistematizados pelos sistemas educacionais e pelas escolas. Compreendemos que a qualidade na educação pública implica a efetivação da aprendizagem, ou seja, que o aluno aprenda, seja aprovado tenha garantido um futuro promissor. No contexto de uma escola pública de orientação emancipadora, é preciso que algumas condições objetivas sejam satisfeitas, a saber: gestão escolar democrática, compromisso docente com a escola pública, razoabilidade da infraestrutura escolar, materiais pedagógicos adequados consolidação das mediações escolares de participação.Palavras-chave: Qualidade. Educação. Escola pública.Elements for a public education with social qualityABSTRACTIt is the State’s responsibility to ensure the right of a public education with quality socially acknowledged. Judging by the educational indicators published as from The Brazilian Education Development Index (Ideb), this right, in relation to the access, the stay, and the school success of the students that attend the public schools, are not being suffi ciently guaranteed. We point as the cause of this school failure the lack of educational public policies focused in school learning. It is worth remembering that the public schools that present the Ideb above the target do not necessarily mean educational quality. We recognize that the evaluations of large scale have the potential of subsidizing the policies in education in order to the improvement of learning and teaching quality indicators, mainly when the results are questioned and systematized by the educational systems and the schools. We understand the quality in public education implies the learning realization, in other words, that the student learn, can be approved, and ensure a promising future. In the context of a public school with na emancipating orientation, it is necessary that some objective conditions must be satisfied, such as a democratic school management, teaching commitment with the public school, the reasonableness of the school infrastructure, appropriate teaching materials, and the consolidation of the educational mediations of the participation.Keywords: Quality. Education. Public School.Elementos para una educación pública con calidad socialRESUMENPuede el Estado garantizar el derecho a una educación pública con calidad socialmente valorada. A juzgar por los indicadores educacionales publicados a partir de los resultados del Índice de Desarrollo de la Educación Básica (IDEB), ese derecho, en lo que se refi ere al acceso, a la permanencia y al éxito escolar de los alumnos que frecuentan las escuelas públicas, no está siendo suficientemente garantizado. Apuntamos como causa de ese fracaso escolar a la inexistencia de políticas públicas educacionales enfocadas en el aprendizaje escolar. Es preciso recordar que las escuelas públicas que presentan el IDEB como meta, no significa necesariamente calidad de educación. Reconocemos que las evaluaciones a gran escala tienen la potencialidade de subsidiar las políticas de educación con vistas a el mejoramiento de los indicadores de calidad de la enseñanza y del aprendizaje, sobretodo cuando los resultados son planteados y sistematizados por los sistemas educacionales y por las escuelas. Comprendemos que la calidad de la educación pública implica la efectividad del aprendizaje, osea, que el alumno aprenda, sea aprobado y tenga garantizado un futuro prometedor. En el contexto de una escuela pública de orientación emancipadora, es preciso que algunas condiciones objetivas sean satisfechas, a saber: gestión escolar, infraestructura escolar, materiales pedagógicos adecuados, consolidación de las mediaciones escolares de participación.Palabras Clave: Calidad, Educación, Escuela Pública.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document