Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna: Revolutionary Propaganda in Colonial UP, 1907–27

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-134
Author(s):  
Prabal Saran Agarwal

The revolutionary movement in United Provinces had its beginnings initially under the influence of the anti-Partition movement in Bengal from 1905 onward. It, first, appeared in radical papers established in 1909 in Urdu and Hindi. Initially, it supported Tilak’s National Party with a tinge of Hindu revivalism, but radical socialist views also began to develop under the influence of the Ghadr movement of 1914–15. Despite repression, the 1920s saw a great increase in propaganda and revolutionary activity, especially under the influence of the Soviet Revolution. Bismil, the revolutionary martyr, played a special role in both propaganda and armed activity. The article argues that though the Kakori case ended in the execution of Bismil and his comrades, the propaganda they had carried on had lasting effect on the ideology of the revolutionary movement and the radicalisation of popular feeling in Uttar Pradesh (UP).

1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter D. Reeves

The non-cooperation movement of 1920–1922 was a significant landmark in the development of nation-wide political activities by the Indian National Congress. At the same time, because it took place within very different regional contexts, the nature of the movement and the response which it provoked derived a good deal from regional ingredients. In the United Provinces (the present day Uttar Pradesh), an agricultural region with a largely rural population, it was the agrarian system which molded the character of the non-cooperation and “anti-non-cooperation” movements. Non-cooperation there coincided with unrest among the peasantry and, for a time at least, it assumed the appearance of a revolutionary upsurge. The British Government of the province, therefore, had to meet this revolutionary movement as well as the Congress-led political movement. The Government turned to the landed aristocracy, whose influence in the countryside it had depended upon in the past, to provide the basis for an anti-revolutionary front. Initially, then, the non-cooperation movement served to refurbish the province's traditional landlord-based political system. It went further, however; and at one stage it appeared likely that the moderate-nationalist politicians, usually critical of the government, would be prepared to ally themselves with both the government and the landlords because of their concern over the dangers of revolution within the province. “Anti-non-cooperation,” it seemed, might create a new use for traditional methods of political control, as well as the source of important new lines of political development in the province. It is the creation of this situation, and its working out within the framework of the Government's efforts to counter both revolution and disorder, which is traced here.


2019 ◽  
pp. 321-333
Author(s):  
Taras Salyha

Three major aspects of Volodymyr Yaniv’s life-creativity are described in the article: 1. biographical (his forma- tion as a creative person); 2. literary and art studies; 3. essayistic (author’s stories about the meetings with the perennial rec- tor of UFU). In parallel, there are “plots” about Volodymyr Yaniv as s historian of the church and Christianity, as a religious scholar, about his contacts with the Vatican, and in particular with His Beatitude Josyf Slipyj in the study. We can trace the “odyssey” of a young ascetic of the Galician revolutionary movement for the statehood and the unity of Ukrainian lands. A separate vision in the life of V. Yaniv is the magazine “Student’s Way”. He was fond of modern processes that took place in the cultural and artistic sphere. Studying poetry of European poets, poetry of Ukrainian creative youth, in particular B.-I. Antonych, V. Havrylyuk, O. Olzhych, poets of the Right-Bank Ukraine, Yaniv developed for himself the criteria for evaluating a literary work. The Lviv weekly “Towards” and the month “Dazhbog” and, of course, the poetry of the “Prague School” were played a special role for Yaniv as a poet. The famous Polish writers, supporters of the so-called “Ukrainian school”, Severin Goshchin- sky, Alexander Fredro, Leopold Staff, Jan Kasprovich, Maria Konopnitskaya whose creativity, undoubtedly, also influenced Volodymyr Yaniv lived and worked in Lviv. The ideological and thematic space of the poetry of Yaniv, in particular the collections “The Sun and the Lattices” and “The Foliage Fragments”, his prison poems, poetry about the Kruty heroes, are analyzed in the article. Lyro-epic creativity of V. Ya- niv in this thematic direction in her own way is biographical. The collection “Ways,” based on the scientific observations of the German, Polish and Czech theorists of psychoanalysis, is based on the ethno-psychoanalysis of the Ukrainian political prisoner. V. Yaniv is a scientist, psychologist, ethnic psychologist of the Ukrainian “soul”, sociologist and literary critic, art critic, organizer of Ukrainian science and church-religious life, public figure, professor of the Ukrainian Catholic University named after St Clemens, the Pope in Rome. The sacred motives are an organic page in poetry, literary criticism and, in general, in the works of Volodymyr Yaniv. The author used the bibliographic literature about the life and work of Volodymyr Yaniv, which, however, doesn’t allevi- ate his individual views.


Author(s):  
Dr. Monica Sharma

In this paper an attempt is made to explore the neighbourhood linkages among the lower caste factory workers in colonial India and the ways in which this acted as an agency to forge a community identity among them. For the purpose of this work theme such as the settlement patterns of the neighbourhoods, the nature of leisure activities and the transformations that some sections of the lower caste factory workers under went as a consequence of upward mobility have been taken up. This paper focuses on the leather workers of Kanpur an industrial town of the United Provinces (Uttar Pradesh), the period of study is the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the initial stages of industrialization.


1984 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lance Brennan

One of the most intriguing questions in the modern history of North India is why the Muslims of the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh, and referred to hereafter as U.P.; see Map 1) supported the demand for Pakistan when it was obvious that if they were successful they would have either to remain in a Hindu dominated India, or suffer the upheaval of migration. In recent years Paul Brass and Francis Robinson have debated the general question of Muslim separatism in U.P., taking positions which Brass has described, respectively, as ‘instrumentalist’ and ‘primordialist’. Brass argues that the Muslims were modernizing at a faster rate than Hindus, that they had a larger share of government jobs than their fourteen percent of the population would warrant, that Muslim politicians erected a myth of ‘the backward Muslim’ to protect this privilege, and then selected communally divisive symbols to mobilize support for their own drive to power. In short, the ‘instrumentalist’ position argues the autonomy of the ‘game of symbol selection’ on the part of the politicians, and therefore of the significance of symbol response on the part of those who supported the Muslim League and its demand for Pakistan. Robinson, on the other hand, first disagrees that the backwardness of the Muslims was a myth, especially relative to the role they perceived they had played in U.P. society for many centuries, and secondly, he seeks to demonstrate that the religious and cultural assumptions of the Muslim political leaders shaped and directed their actions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.


2013 ◽  
pp. 143-155
Author(s):  
A. Klepach ◽  
G. Kuranov

The role of the prominent Soviet economist, academician A. Anchishkin (1933—1987), whose 80th birth anniversary we celebrate this year, in the development of ideas and formation of economic forecasting in the country at the time when the directive planning acted as a leading tool of economic management is explored in the article. Besides, Anchishkin’s special role is noted in developing a comprehensive program of scientific and technical progress, an information basis for working out long-term forecasts of the country’s development, moreover, his contribution to the creation of long-term forecasting methodology and improvement of the statistical basis for economic analysis and economic planning. The authors show that social and economic forecasting in the period after 1991, which has undertaken a number of functions of economic planning, has largely relied on further development of Anchishkin’s ideas, at the same time responding to new challenges for the Russian economy development during its entry into the world economic system.


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