scholarly journals Rethinking the biopolitical: Borders, refugees, mobilities…

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442098138
Author(s):  
Claudio Minca ◽  
Alexandra Rijke ◽  
Polly Pallister-Wilkins ◽  
Martina Tazzioli ◽  
Darshan Vigneswaran ◽  
...  

This Symposium reflects on the growing relevance of biopolitical perspectives in camps studies, border studies, refugee studies, and in particular in research at the intersection between mobility studies and political geography. The five interventions accordingly engage with questions regarding the use of biopolitics as an analytical framework, but also as a pervasive strategy and governmental tool in Western societies. Through an analysis of several empirical cases – most notably hotspots on the Greek Aegean Island, refugee’s forced hyper mobility in Europe, speech acts connected to the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya people in Myanmar and the ‘voluntary return’ policies in Europe, and the paper borders created by visa systems – the authors indicate new possible fields of enquiry related to the biopolitical critically inspired by the work of authors such as Giorgio Agamben and Jasbir Puar, while also clearly restating the fundamental importance of Foucault’s original contribution to any biopolitical analytical framework today.

2016 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Toğral Koca

AbstractSince the war erupted in Syria in 2011, Turkey has followed an “open door” policy toward Syrian refugees. The Turkish government has been promoting this liberal policy through a humanitarian discourse that leads one to expect that Syrian refugees have not been securitized in Turkey. This article, however, argues that a security framework that emphasizes control and containment has been essential to the governance of Syrian refugees in Turkey, despite the presence of such non-securitarian discourses. To develop this argument, the article first builds an analytical framework based on a critical engagement with the theory of securitization, which was originally developed by the Copenhagen School. Unlike the Copenhagen School’s theory emphasizing “speech acts” as the vector of securitization, this article applies a sociological approach to the analysis of the securitization process by focusing on both discursive and non-discursive practices. In carrying out this analysis, securitizing practices, both discursive and non-discursive, are defined as those that: (1) emphasize “control and containment,” especially in relation to societal/public security concerns (here, specifically, the labor market and employment); and (2) establish a security continuum about various other issues—including criminality, terrorism, socioeconomic problems, and cultural deprivation—and thereby treat migrants as “risky” outsiders. Subsequently, in line with this analytical framework, the article seeks to trace the securitization of non-camp Syrian refugees, especially in the labor market. Finally, the article demonstrates that this securitization process is likely to conceal structural and political problems, and to close off alternative public and political debate about the refugees.


Urban Studies ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 733-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Pemberton ◽  
Jenny Phillimore

Whilst attention has previously focused on the importance of monolithic ethnic identities on migrant place-making, less attention has been paid to how place-making proceeds in super-diverse urban neighbourhoods where no single ethnic group predominates. This paper makes an original contribution by identifying the factors that shape migrants’ affinity with, or alienation from, super-diverse neighbourhoods. Through using and critiquing an analytical framework developed by Gill (2010 Pathologies of migrant place making: The case of Polish migrants to the UK. Environment and Planning A 42(5): 1157–1173) that identifies ‘ideal’ and ‘pathological’ place-making strategies, the paper contrasts two super-diverse neighbourhoods in the UK with different histories of diversity. We show how ‘ideal’ migrant place-making is more likely to occur where there is a common neighbourhood identity based around diversity, difference and/or newness, and where those with ‘visible’ differences can blend in. In contrast, ‘pathologies’ are more likely where the ongoing churn of newcomers, coupled with the speed and recency of change, undermine migrants’ affinity with place and where the diversity of the neighbourhood is not yet embedded. Even where neighbourhood identity based on diversity is established, it may alienate less visible migrants and culminate in a new form of (minority) white flight.


2016 ◽  
pp. 65-84
Author(s):  
Hana Srebotnjak

Tracing the decline of Yugoslav identity: a case for ‘invisible’ ethnic cleansingThis essay explores the concept of invisible ethnic cleansing by examining the remaining group of self-identifying Yugoslavs who continue to identify themselves as such despite the break-up of Yugoslavia, the country that shaped and constituted the focal point of their identity. The analysis argues that the lack of recognition of the Yugoslav identity during the country’s disintegration as well as afterwards in the individual republics befitted the new nationalistic and distinctly anti-Yugoslav narratives adopted by individual post-Yugoslav republics. The sheer existence and acknowledgment of the Yugoslav identity could therefore disprove the new nationalistic tenets. The essay begins by setting up an analytical framework for the study of invisible ethnic cleansing and Yugoslav identity by examining the concepts of ethnic cleansing, nationalism, group destruction and ethnicity. It goes on to establish the historical background for Yugoslavia’s break up and looks at Yugoslavia’s ‘nationalities policy’, the break up itself and the role of the West and the Western media. Finally, the study identifies the hegemonic power of current nation-states reflected in the media, education and government-sponsored intellectual efforts, as those that control the image of the past can erase from it the memory of the disappeared states and the identities connected to them. The bulk of the analysis and the conclusions drawn were based on personal memoires and accounts of self-identifying Yugoslavs in order to preserve the memories of marginalized and forgotten groups as well as to stress the importance of counter-memory, which can challenge the narrative promoted by dominant groups and oppressive states. Moreover, the novel concept of invisible ethnic cleansing introduced will allow scholars to examine the loss of supranational identities, which accompany the dissolutions of multinational states. Jak ginie tożsamość jugosłowiańska: przypadek „niewidzialnej” czystki etnicznejEsej podejmuje kwestię niewidzialnej czystki etnicznej, w oparciu o badania nad grupą osób samoidentyfikujących się jako Jugosłowianie, które nadal tak właśnie siebie identyfikują pomimo rozpadu Jugoslawii - kraju, który ukształtował ich tożsamość i stworzył dla niej punkt odniesienia. Analiza dowodzi, że nieuznawanie tożsamości jugosłowiańskiej w okresie dezintegracji Jugosławii i po rozpadzie tego kraju w poszczególnych republikach przyniosło nowe nacjonalistyczne i wyraźnie antyjugosłowiańskie narracje przyjęte przez poszczególne republiki postjugosłowiańskie. Samo istnienie i uznanie tożsamości jugosłowiańskiej mogłoby zatem podważać nowo wyznaczone nacjonalistyczne cele. Autorka najpierw wyznacza ramy analitycznego podejścia do niewidzialnej czystki etnicznej i tożsamości jugosłowiańskiej poprzez analizę takich pojęć, jak: czystka etniczna, nacjonalizm, destrukcja grupy i etniczność. Następnie przechodzi do omówienia historycznego tła rozpadu Jugosławii i „polityki narodowościowej” Jugosławii, samego rozpadu kraju oraz roli, jaką odegrał Zachód i media zachodnie. Ostatnia część opracowania zawiera ustalenia odnoszące się do hegemonii władzy współczesnych państw narodowych, która odzwierciedla się w mediach, szkolnictwie i wspieranych przez rząd wysiłkach intelektualnych, ci bowiem którzy zawiadują obrazem przeszłości mogą z niej wymazać pamięć o państwach, które przestały istnieć i o związanych z nimi tożsamościach. Analiza i wnioski w zasadniczej części opierają się na wspomnieniach osobistych i relacjach samoidentyfikujących się Jugosłowian, którzy dążą do zachowania pamięci o marginalizowanych i zapomnianych grupach, jak też podkreślenia wagi kontrpamięci, mogącej stać się wyzwaniem dla narracji promowanej przez grupy dominujące i opresyjne państwa. Ponadto, wprowadzona tu nowa koncepcja niewidzialnej czystki etnicznej pozwoli badaczom zgłębiać utratę tożsamości ponadnarodowych, która towarzyszy rozpadowi państw wielonarodowościowych.


2020 ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kukowicz-Żarska

This article focuses on the issue of valuation and discusses the role and textual properties of irony in the light of speech act theory. The research material used for the analysis comes from the novel by Philip Kerr "March Violets", which is a representative of the historical detective novel genre. The article does not aim to criticize the book's translations, but focuses on the message itself, which, through them, reaches the recipient and makes a specific impression on him/her. This specific impression, evoked by said speech acts and thoughtfully encoded in the text, is subject to the analysis here. Sociolinguistic assumptions have been adopted as the basis for these considerations, which seems to be justified in so far as language within such analytical framework can be treated as a binder across social groups, nations, communities, and may, therefore, play a significant role both in shaping them, shaping their collective beliefs, ideas, and cultural norms.


2013 ◽  
pp. 110-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Nail

This paper draws on the work of Michel Foucault in order to analyze the constellation of political strategies and power at the US/Mexico border wall. These strategies, however, are incredibly diverse and often directly antagonistic of one another. Thus, this paper argues that in order to make sense of the seemingly multiple and contradictory political strategies deployed in the operation of the US/Mexico border wall, we have to understand the coexistence and intertwinement of at least three distinct types of power at work there: the sovereign exclusion of illegal life, the disciplinary detention of surveilled life, and the biopolitical circulation of migratory life. By doing so this paper offers an original contribution to two major areas of study: in Foucault studies this paper expands the existing literature on Foucault by analyzing the crossroads of power particular to the US/Mexico border wall, which has not yet been done, and in border studies this Foucauldian approach offers a unique political analysis that goes beyond the critique of sovereignty and toward an analysis of coexisting strategies of power.


Author(s):  
Dionysios Stivas

By applying the Copenhagen School’s securitisation theory, this paper assesses the extent to which immigration has been securitised at the EU level after the 2015 Paris attacks. It is doing so by not only examining the presence of the securitisation actors and the security speech acts, as is commonly done in the current securitisation literature, but also by analysing from a legal point of view, two emergency measures implemented by the EU to deal with the migration crisis. Most importantly, this paper investigates the response of the European public to the securitisation moves and highlights that this aspect of the Copenhagen School’s analytical framework has been not only undertheorised but also understudied.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
REGINA HELLER ◽  
MARTIN KAHL ◽  
DANIELA PISOIU

AbstractAfter 9/11 state actors in different parts of the world and to various degrees decided to give security and counterterrorism measures priority over human rights and fundamental freedoms. In order to legitimize their policy choices, governmental actors used normative argumentation to redefine what is ‘appropriate’ to ensure security. We argue that, in the long run, this may lead to a setback dynamic hollowing out established human and civil rights norms. In this article, we develop a theoretical and analytical framework, oriented along the model of the life cycle of norms, in order to trace ‘bad’ norm dynamics in the field of counterterrorism. We conceptualize the norm erosion process, particularly focusing on arguments such as speech acts put forward by governmental norm challengers and their attempts to create new meaning and understanding. We also draw on convergence theory and argue that when a coalition of norm challengers develops, using the same or similar patterns of arguments, established international normative orders protecting human rights and civil liberties might be weakened over time and a more fundamental process of norm erosion may take place.


2020 ◽  
pp. 181-197
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kukowicz-Żarska

This article focuses on the issue of valuation and the presence and role of irony in text in the light of speech act theory. The research material used for the analysis comes from the novel by Philip Kerr "March Violets", which is a representative of the historical detective novel genre. The article does not aim to criticize the book's translations, but focuses its attention on the message itself, which, through them, reaches the recipient and makes a specific impression on him/her. This specific impression, evoked by said speech acts and thoughtfully encoded in the text, is subject to the analysis here. Sociolinguistic assumptions have been adopted as the basis for these considerations, which seems to be justified in so far as language within such analytical framework can be treated as a binder among social groups, nations, communities and may play a significant role both in shaping them, shaping their collective beliefs, ideas, and cultural norms.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 481-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Una McGahern

This article examines rumour as a distinct type of speech act and makes a case for engaging with the spaces within which rumours are deployed and circulated in practice. Critiquing the rigid linguistic focus on speech acts within prevailing securitization theories, it follows insights from the fields of political geography and anthropology in order to incorporate voices from the margins more fully into its analysis of threat construction. Examining the local deployment and circulation of rumours in religiously mixed Arab localities in Israel, it argues that the perlocutionary force of rumour not only is rooted in local security and policing arrangements but reveals a spatialization of violence that is particular to the margins. In so doing, the article seeks to contribute to a broadening of the research agenda on the social construction of threat that would not only bring ‘security have-nots’ to the centre of its analysis but draw attention to the margins as a particular type of security space.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen McLoughlin 

The purpose of this article is to provide a better understanding of why some countries experience mass atrocities during periods of democratic transition, while others do not. Scholars have long regarded democracy as an important source of stability and protection from mass atrocities such as genocide, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. But democratic transition itself is fraught with the heightened risk of violent conflict and even mass atrocities. Indeed, a number of studies have identified regimes in transition as containing the highest risk of political instability and mass atrocities. What is overlooked is the question of how and why some regimes undergo such transitions without experiencing mass atrocities, despite the presence of a number of salient risk factors, including state-based discrimination, inter-group tension and horizontal inequality. Utilizing a new analytical framework, this article investigates this lacuna by conducting a comparative analysis of two countries—one that experienced atrocities (Burundi) during transition, and one that did not (Guyana). How countries avoid such violence during transition has the potential to yield insights for the mitigation of risk associated with mass atrocity crimes.


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