The Founding and Fracturing of the Mosquito Confederation: Zambos, Tawiras, and New Archival Evidence, 1711–1791

2019 ◽  
Vol 99 (4) ◽  
pp. 619-647
Author(s):  
Daniel Mendiola
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Caribbean Coast ◽  
National Archives ◽  
New Evidence

Abstract The purpose of this article is to assess the political, diplomatic, and ethnic dynamics of the Mosquito Kingdom, an Afro-indigenous alliance based along Central America's Caribbean coast, during the eighteenth century. Drawing from new archival sources—most notably those of the National Archives of Costa Rica—this essay first examines the political organization of the Mosquitos, demonstrating that early leaders consolidated their authority by unifying different factions into a powerful confederation with expansionist tendencies. This essay then presents new evidence against the hypothesis that ethnic rivalry was a major source of factional conflict within the kingdom and thereby calls for a reexamination of the causes of the confederation's descent into civil war in 1791.

scholarly journals Post-nationalism and Recollecting the Nigerian Civil War Memories through Hero Beer Brands Marketing in Igboland, Southeast Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Obinna U. Muoh ◽  
◽  
Uche Uwaezuoke Okonkwo ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
War Memories ◽  
Ethnic Nationality ◽  
Nigerian Civil War

Since the failed attempt at secession from Nigeria in 1970, after a 30-month civil war, the Igbo ethnic nationality—who constituted the majority of the defunct Biafra Republic, have sought avenues to (re)create the memories of the short-lived country.In the political space, they attempted establishing Ohaneze Ndigbo—as an umbrella socio-political organization for recreating and projecting the Igbo agenda. This, to a large extent, has not achieved the desired objectives. Not surprisingly, militia groups have sprung up since 1999 when an Igbo failed to secure Presidential race ticket to agitate the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra. These groups include Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and recently the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). However, pop circle provided the much needed social space for Biafra nostalgic displays. In 2012, Hero Beer advert better known as O Mpa, a coined greeting style by Onitsha people for great achievers with reference to Ojukwu father figure in the Biafran struggle was launched. This study examines the nexus between beer advertorials and ethnic identity using the Igbo example. It argues that the advertorials successfully permeated into the psychology of Igbo beer drinkers, who attached ethnic connections to them and appropriated them as theirs, using the brands to recreate the memories of Biafran struggle of Independence from 1967-1970.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yair Mintzker
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Roman Empire ◽  
Holy Roman Empire ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entire Life ◽  
Historical Figure ◽  
German Nation ◽  
German Speaking

This introductory chapter discusses how the historical figure of Joseph Süss Oppenheimer—also known as Jew Süss—is incredibly elusive, and any understanding of him must begin with the political and legal regimes under which he lived and died. Oppenheimer spent almost his entire life in the southwest corner of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. In the eighteenth century, the Holy Roman Empire was the general political organization that connected the hundreds of more or less sovereign polities in German-speaking central Europe. Especially important for understanding Oppenheimer's case is the fact that the Empire's members shared a common legal system scholars term “inquisitorial.”

New Perspectives on Manila’s Chinese Community at the Turn of the Eighteenth Century

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-146
Author(s):  
Edward R. Slack (史义华)
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Community ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Systemic Racism ◽  
National Archives ◽  
Chinese Overseas ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Conventional Paradigm

Abstract This article reexamines the political dynamic within Manila’s Parián (Chinatown) in the early eighteenth century, challenging the “conventional” paradigm of Christian Chinese monopolization of power. The centerpiece of my research focuses on a judicial case initiated by the Chinese community against Pedro Barredo, a Spanish official charged with committing a variety of sadistic crimes against Chinese merchants and their families in 1701. It also analyzes the psychological rationale undergirding Spain’s systemic racism against Chinese immigrants responsible for the colony’s economic prosperity. Utilizing unpublished documents from the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain, and the National Archives of the Philippines in Manila, this new perspective fills in significant details missing from scholarly literature regarding the Chinese Overseas experience in Manila prior to 1800.

The Atlantic Revolutions in the German Lands, 1776–1849

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sperber
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Age Of Revolution ◽  
The Third ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Atlantic Economy ◽  
Cultural Connections

The Atlantic Revolutions in the German lands is the essence of this article. A discussion of the Atlantic revolutions in the German lands begins here with a consideration of the connections between those lands and the Atlantic world. On the eve of the age of revolution, these connections were modest, at best. The German lands had few direct ties to the Atlantic economy; social and cultural connections were sparse as well. New forms of political organization and action, as well as new ideas about the nature of politics were developing in some of the Atlantic countries during the third quarter of the eighteenth century, all of which would resulted in the revolutions of 1776 and 1789. What this discussion suggests is that the external political and intellectual impulses of the American Revolution were, at best, supplemental to trends generated within the German lands themselves. An observation of the political upheavals during the nineteenth century winds up this article.

scholarly journals Domestic Everyday Life, Manners, and Customs in this Country, from the earliest period to the end of the Eighteenth Century

1881 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 224-253
Author(s):  
George Harris
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
General Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political World ◽  
Differences Of Opinion ◽  
Mode Of Life ◽  
History Of ◽  
Actual Change ◽  
The Times

The history of civilization generally, and of the mode of life of our forefathers, embraced by the present paper, is a record rather of progress than of actual change in the condition of this country. No external circumstances operated to affect the latter through invasion by a foreign foe, as was the case during each of the periods of history considered in my former discourses. Civil war between contending parties for the crown of England, had now ceased; but contests not less fierce followed, arising out of differences of opinion in religious matters, which were productive of great moral and social results. To these succeeded angry political contentions, and a long and bloody civil war, which occasioned also extensive changes in the general condition of the nation. Happy it is for us who live in the present age, that, although contests rage as fiercely as ever in the political world, the only weapon used against an adversary is that fiery, unruly, and untameable assailant, termed the tongue. Parties are nowadays, as in the times of which I am about to speak, by turns overthrown; but waste of breath only, instead of waste of blood, is the worst calamity that ensues.

SYMPATHY AND SEPARATION: BENJAMIN RUSH AND THE CONTAGIOUS PUBLIC

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
JASON FRANK
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Medical Student ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Benjamin Rush ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
Revolutionary America ◽  
Political Understanding

This essay considers Benjamin Rush's concern with the political organization of sympathy in post-Revolutionary America and how this concern shaped his response to the threat of post-Revolutionary “mobocracy.” Like many of his contemporaries, Rush worried about the contagious volatility of large public assemblies engendered by the Revolution. For Rush, regular gatherings of the people out of doors threatened to corrupt visions both of an orderly and emancipatory public sphere and of the virtuous and independent citizens required by republican government. Rush feared that the unregulated communication of passion between bodies gathered in public might unleash what Michael Meranze has called an “anarchy of reciprocal imitations.” It was in eighteenth-century theories of sympathy that this idea of contagious mimesis was most rigorously developed and most widely disseminated. Rush's medico-political understanding of sympathy, acquired during his years as a medical student in Edinburgh, provides an important framework for understanding his post-Revolutionary reform efforts, particularly those focused on the spatial choreography of the American citizenry.

scholarly journals Supplications between Politics and Justice: The Northern and Central Italian States in the Early Modern Age

2001 ◽  
Vol 46 (S9) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Nubola
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entire System ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
Modern Age ◽  
Ancien Régime

“Those who think to do away with petitions would overthrow the entire system of the State”. This remark – taken from an anonymous eighteenth-century account of the political organization of the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza – describes well the importance attributed to complaints in the organization of the state. Through complaints, or petitions, it is generally possible to verify a number of fundamental forms and modes of communication between society and the institutions of the ancien regime, and to reconstruct the procedures of mediation, repression, acceptance, and agreement adopted by princes, sovereigns, or magistracies in response to social demands.

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

The Gallic Singularity and the Royal Mistress

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marie Antoinette ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Realm

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.

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