scholarly journals Post-nationalism and Recollecting the Nigerian Civil War Memories through Hero Beer Brands Marketing in Igboland, Southeast Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Obinna U. Muoh ◽  
◽  
Uche Uwaezuoke Okonkwo ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
War Memories ◽  
Ethnic Nationality ◽  
Nigerian Civil War

Since the failed attempt at secession from Nigeria in 1970, after a 30-month civil war, the Igbo ethnic nationality—who constituted the majority of the defunct Biafra Republic, have sought avenues to (re)create the memories of the short-lived country.In the political space, they attempted establishing Ohaneze Ndigbo—as an umbrella socio-political organization for recreating and projecting the Igbo agenda. This, to a large extent, has not achieved the desired objectives. Not surprisingly, militia groups have sprung up since 1999 when an Igbo failed to secure Presidential race ticket to agitate the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra. These groups include Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and recently the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). However, pop circle provided the much needed social space for Biafra nostalgic displays. In 2012, Hero Beer advert better known as O Mpa, a coined greeting style by Onitsha people for great achievers with reference to Ojukwu father figure in the Biafran struggle was launched. This study examines the nexus between beer advertorials and ethnic identity using the Igbo example. It argues that the advertorials successfully permeated into the psychology of Igbo beer drinkers, who attached ethnic connections to them and appropriated them as theirs, using the brands to recreate the memories of Biafran struggle of Independence from 1967-1970.

The Transition from a Mythopoeic to a Populist Aesthetic in Selected Political Plays of Wole Soyinka

Matatu ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-95
Author(s):  
ADEBAYO MOSOBALAJE
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
The Political ◽  
Wole Soyinka ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Personal Involvement ◽  
Reading Technique ◽  
Nigerian Civil War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

The study examines the movement of Wole Soyinka from mythopoeic dramatic strategies to a realistic populist aesthetic in selected political plays. It also examines the cause(s) of the movement, analyses the formal pattern engendered by it, and discusses the portrayal of the military in governance in the political plays, with a view to establishing the impact of the metamorphosis on the revolutionary tenor of the plays. Three of Soyinka’s political plays are selected for analysis. The first, A Dance of the Forests, represents Soyinka’s experimentation with the mythic imagination among the pre-Civil War works from the 1960s to the early 1970s; the second, Madmen and Specialists, a Civil-War play, constitutes the watershed and middle ground in the dramaturgic metamorphosis of the playwright; and the third, Opera Wọ́nyọ̀sí, a post-Civil-War political satire, begins the history-informed plays of the mid-1970s and onwards. Using a close-reading technique, the essay argues that the personal involvement of Soyinka in the Nigerian Civil War of 1967–70, coupled with the effects of the war, his consequent incarceration, and the demands made on him by Marxist critics to employ a populist aesthetic, led the playwright to the realization that the political comprador did not heed the warnings in the mythinfused political plays of the early phase of his career, most probably because of the relative inaccessibility of their hieratic idiom. There arose a strong need to communicate in simple, accessible language addressing contemporary history. This dramaturgic movement has a positive impact on the revolutionary tenor of the plays.

The Economic Impact of the Nigerian Civil War

1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Wayne Nafziger
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Economic Impact ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Variable ◽  
Political Variable ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Nigerian Civil War ◽  
Coups D'etat

Few events alter the socio-economic structure of a country as radically as the convulsions and displacements concomitant with war and political upheaval. In Nigeria the two coups d'état of 1966 and the civil war of 1967–1970 have had a profound effect on economic activity, and in turn have been affected by economic variables. In this study the political variable will generally be treated as independent and the economic variable as dependent, despite the fact that in the period after independence in 1960, tendencies towards political and economic disintegration reinforced each other.1

Recognition Under Plurality Rule and the Paradox of Recognition in Burundi

2020 ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Elisabeth King
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Plurality Rule ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Configuration ◽  
Management Theories

This chapter examines the adoption and effects on peace of non-recognition under minority Tutsi rule and then recognition under plurality Hutu rule in Burundi. It reviews pre-civil-war history up to 1993, arguing that non-recognition arose from a “dilemma of recognition,” given Tutsi leaders’ concerns over mobilization effects. It discusses how the ethnic power configuration changed via the political ascendance of the Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie (CNDD-FDD) during the civil war and through to the 2005 constitution. This shift toward majority ethnic rule accompanied a transition toward recognition, consistent with the book’s theory. On the question of effects, introducing quotas for Hutus and Tutsis in government, military, and other institutions reduced the political salience of ethnicity, a phenomenon the chapter calls the “paradox of recognition.” This paradox challenges conflict management theories proposing that recognition entrenches the political salience of ethnic identity.

The Founding and Fracturing of the Mosquito Confederation: Zambos, Tawiras, and New Archival Evidence, 1711–1791

2019 ◽  
Vol 99 (4) ◽  
pp. 619-647
Author(s):  
Daniel Mendiola
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Caribbean Coast ◽  
National Archives ◽  
New Evidence

Abstract The purpose of this article is to assess the political, diplomatic, and ethnic dynamics of the Mosquito Kingdom, an Afro-indigenous alliance based along Central America's Caribbean coast, during the eighteenth century. Drawing from new archival sources—most notably those of the National Archives of Costa Rica—this essay first examines the political organization of the Mosquitos, demonstrating that early leaders consolidated their authority by unifying different factions into a powerful confederation with expansionist tendencies. This essay then presents new evidence against the hypothesis that ethnic rivalry was a major source of factional conflict within the kingdom and thereby calls for a reexamination of the causes of the confederation's descent into civil war in 1791.

scholarly journals Relations Between the Soviet Government and the Technical Intelligentsia in 1917–1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-33
Author(s):  
Shevtsov Vyacheslav V ◽  
◽  
Vyachisty Dmitry D. ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Group ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Professional Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Short Period

The article presents an overview of the political measures of the Soviet government to marginalize the socio-professional group of technical intelligentsia in 1917–1919. The article describes the process of forming the attitude of the Soviet government to the social group of technical specialists in the conditions of the accomplished October revolution and the Civil war in the country. The political writings of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the Bolshevik party and the head of the country regarding the place of technical specialists in the social space of the new state were characterized. The motives of the authorities in implementing a change in the social status of technical specialists were identified. Through the use of the historical-genetic method, the study analyzes the consecutive statements of V. I. Lenin regarding this socio-professional group was carried out. As a result of this, the periodization of the development of their relationships was constructed. The construction of such a chronology is relevant, because it makes possible to assess the motives of the actions of the Bolshevik government from the point of view of a specific goal setting, not from the standpoint of the class struggle, but in the search for the most effective way to overcome it. At the beginning, the authorities tried to create pragmatic relations with engineers, but seeing their refusal to cooperate, they took a course to stigmatize and marginalize them as a social group. As a result of this discrediting, the only buyer of their services became the Soviet government, using them centrally in the most important fields of production and economy. The authorities were forced to abandon further marginalization in the face of the difficult situation on Civil war, the small number of remaining specialists and the low efficiency of their work. In this regard, the process of rehabilitation of engineers was initiated, authorized by V. I. Lenin at the VIII Congress of the Bolshevik party. The head of state in a short period managed to organize a campaign to discredit the specialists, after which they were forced to abandon the anti-Soviet rhetoric and begin to integrate into society on the terms proposed by the Bolsheviks. Keywords: engineers, technical specialists, intellectuals, V. I. Lenin, Bolsheviks, class struggle

On the Will of the People: Notes on the Political “Theory” of Populism

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
National People ◽  
The Will

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

Afars of Ethiopia in the system of ethnic federalism

2018 ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
Roza Ismagilova
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Ethnic Federalism

The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”

Language Movement and Civil War in West Africa

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ericka A. Albaugh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Language Spread ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter examines how civil war can influence the spread of language. Specifically, it takes Sierra Leone as a case study to demonstrate how Krio grew from being primarily a language of urban areas in the 1960s to one spoken by most of the population in the 2000s. While some of this was due to “normal” factors such as population movement and growing urbanization, the civil war from 1991 to 2002 certainly catalyzed the process of language spread in the 1990s. Using census documents and surveys, the chapter tests the hypothesis at the national, regional, and individual levels. The spread of a language has political consequences, as it allows for citizen participation in the political process. It is an example of political scientists’ approach to uncovering the mechanisms for and evidence of language movement in Africa.

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