scholarly journals Specyfika systemu pojedynczego głosu przechodniego (PR-STV) na przykładzie wyborów samorządowych w Irlandii i udziału w nich społeczności imigranckich

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-29
Author(s):  
Wojciech Kostka ◽  
Magdalena Lesińska

The aim of the article is a critical analysis of the electoral system of a single transferable vote on the example of local elections in Ireland and its evaluation from the point of view of key participants: voters, political parties and new players – immigrant candidates. The organization of elections, the vote counting methods and the rule of transfer of votes to seats as well as the influence of the electoral system on political parties strategies and voter behavior are presented in detail. In principle, the proportional system should be more friendly to independent candidates and small interest groups, but the case of immigrant candidates running in the elections in Ireland shows that in practice it is difficult for new players to achieve election success without the support of political parties. The analysis is based on a diverse sources, the review of academic literature and statistical data is complemented by the results of qualitative research – the in-depth interviews with Polish candidates running in the local elections in Ireland in the years 2009–2019.

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 481-495
Author(s):  
Indiana Ngenget

This study analyzes the "single candidate" in the simultaneous local elections in Indonesia 2018, the case of Tangerang Regency, Tangerang City, Lebak Regency (Banten Province) and Makassar City (South Sulawesi Province). The method used is qualitative with descriptive explanatory research type. Data collection techniques with in-depth interviews and library research (library research). Research findings, the problem of "single candidate" occurs from the nominating stage (nomination threshold and conditions of support for individual candidates), which causes political parties to be pragmatic because they do not have the ability to compete openly, so they choose to build coalitions to meet the conditions or vote in the nominating process. Empirically found factors that encourage the occurrence of "single candidate" in Tangerang Regency, Tangerang City, Lebak Regency are incumbent candidates who have high electability so that political parties count to be pragmatic by conducting coalitions. In the case of Makassar City a "single candidate" occurred because the competitor was disqualified. The problem of "single candidate" is an empirical phenomenon of the weakness of political regeneration by political parties from the center and the regions, as well as the high dowry requirements of the bearers of the candidates. The vote recapitulation results in three regions (Tangerang Regency, Tangerang City, Lebak Regency) were won by the dominant "single candidate", while in Makassar City the "single candidate" was defeated by an empty box.


Author(s):  
Humberto Nogueira Alcalá

This article focuses on the constitutional and legal regulation of political parties in Chile, especially from de point of view of the political representation in a democratic system. It also focuses on the actual reform process of the electoral system and the political parties funding in this country.Este trabajo analiza la regulación constitucional y legal de los partidos políticos en Chile, especialmente desde la perspectiva de la representación política que éstos hacen posible en un Estado democrático. El artículo analiza, además, las modificaciones que actualmente se están discutiendo en este país, relativas al sistema electoral y a la financiación de los partidos políticos.


Author(s):  
Vitalii Semenko

The article deals with the peculiarities of the local elections in the Republic of Austria in 2015 to Landtag of federal states Styria, Burgenland, Upper Austria and Vienna, as well as the main reasons for the success of far-right political party AFP, headed Heinz Christian Strache. The results of the local elections, where political parties have overcome the 4 percent barrier are in details analyzed. The main conclusions of well-known domestic and foreign political scientists and experts are thoroughly characterized,evaluating the reasons for supporting far-right political parties in the European countries, in particular in Austria, which have received considerable support in the elections to the Landtag. Furthermore, being induced by the public in terms of the migration policy of the European Union, this is not capable to solve the problem of refugees who are unwilling to integrate into the European society. Keywords: Far-rightpolitical party, local elections, electoral system, political leader, refugees, migration policy


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Alexsander Yandra

The Interim Replacement between the time (PAW) mechanism of six legislators of Riau at 2014-2016 periodthrough the long mechanism and give rise to polemics both at the elite level and on the society. Strating from theproposal for dismissal by the regional council (DPD) of political parties, approval at the meeting of DPRD,verification of the KPUD of Riau Provinces, the letter proposal that then forwarded to the Minister for issuedofficial announcement of PAW. Delays in the Minister’s decree related determination replacement PAW of the sixlegislators Riau who participate in 2015 election implication for the vacancy delegation in constituency of thesix legislators who resigned. This is administratively highly influential DPRD of Riau in decision making and forthe local elections also will impact to reduced their delegations in government. This research used the turnoverbetween the time (PAW) concept and theory of political delegation institutions. This research type is descriptivewith qualitative approach, the data collection technique used depth interviews and documentations.The results showed that the mechanism of the six legislators Riau PAW 2014-2019 period after the enactmentinto regional head candidates in the elections of December 2015 the dynamics of the level of Parliament andpolitical parties Bearers and take quite long. That condition has implications for vacancies in representativeinstitutions (parliament) Riau province where administratively is not full members of Parliament in decisionmakingso that the delay in setting the budget Riau in 2016.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-85
Author(s):  
M. M. Shelemba

The article is devoted to the study of the characteristics and typology of regional political parties in Ukraine, the assessment of the connection of the nationalization of the party system of Ukraine, the deviance (non-typology) of electoral behavior of the regions with the development of regional parties in the state by the results of local elections in 2015.In the course of the study, the main scientific approaches to the characterization and typology of regional parties in Ukraine were considered. It has been established that scholars identify the following categories of regional political parties, namely: ideological parties, political parties-projects of prominent personalities, ethnic parties, administrative parties (pro-government political parties). It is proposed to expand existing typology by introducing such categories of regional parties as projects of local elites, regional parties oriented on pro-Russian politics in Ukraine, technical political parties, which are beginning active activities before the elections, helping to ensure passing to local bodies of self-government to certain persons. It was found that regional political parties, based on the results of the local elections in Ukraine in 2015, were two pro-Russian political forces, four parties that focused on supporting the interests of local elites and one ethnic party. It is noted that the support of regional political parties is low. This is confirmed by the results of the electoral vote at the national level. It was noted that against the backdrop of a high level of nationalization of the party system for the period of 2014–2015, calculated on three approaches (the nationalization index was calculated according to the approach of M. Johns and S. Meinwering, G. Holosov and author’s modified approach), these parties did not have significant influence on the electoral picture of the country. It is also determined that since the third author’s modified approach allows to take into account the results of elections to local self-government bodies, it is relevant for the study of regional parties. Therefore, its use is most optimal for similar analytical purposes.Among the factors that had the greatest influence on party nationalization over the period of 2014–2015 were the electoral system, the transformational factors in the socio-political space, the change in the form of government, decentralization (de-volition) associated with the reform of local self-government and the territorial organization of power in Ukraine Accordingly, it has been proved that the latter of these factors has become an important prerequisite for the emergence of new regional political parties at the local elections of 2015.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-153
Author(s):  
Zvi Hadar ◽  
Fany Yuval ◽  
Rebecca Kook

Scholars have pointed to the alarming decline in the participation of young people in the institutional political activities underlying representative democracy, such as voting, joining political parties, or running for office. Solutions previously proposed have dealt with participatory democracy rather than representative democracy. Based on in-depth interviews, this article shows that, since 1998, the involvement of Young Adults Lists (YALs) in Israel’s local elections have successfully and consistently engaged young adults as a descriptive constituency in local representative democracy. The YALs’ extraordinary electoral success derives from their ability to construct and carry out an innovative campaign strategy tailored to the preferences of young adults. This strategy has compensated for the YALs’ minimal financial resources and their lack of political experience and significant ties to national parties or similar organizations.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Jacky Yaakov Zvulun

Voter turnout in local and general elections is a key element in measuring citizen participation. From 2004, New Zealand local elections were unique in that local councils had the choice of two different electoral systems: plurality majority and proportional representation. We have here the opportunity to study more about New Zealand local elections and changes in electoral systems. This article analyses the impact of the "Single Transferable Vote” electoral system in those councils that adopted it, comparing it to those councils which used "First Past the Post". This article explains how the STV electoral system has not increased voter turnout and was not the cause of low voter turnout in the 2004-2007 local elections. It might, however, offer voters a better way to choose their preferences.


Author(s):  
Fiona Buckley ◽  
Mary Brennan

This chapter considers the implementation and effect of legislative gender quotas in the 2016 general election, a first for Ireland and a first for the proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote electoral system (PR-STV). It focuses on political parties and examines how they integrated the formal gender quota law into their candidate selection processes. Particular attention is paid to whether the law changed existing candidate selection practices, many of which are guided by informal candidate selection norms, such as a preference for incumbents and those exhibiting localist traits. The chapter concludes that the gender quota law did engender change in the candidate recruitment, selection, and election of women, but, as scholars of feminist institutionalism would describe, the change was ‘nested’ and ‘bounded’ within existing practices surrounding candidate selection, thereby denting but not dismantling the gendered norms of this process.


1976 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 36-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Schlörer

From a statistical data bank containing only anonymous records, the records sometimes may be identified and then retrieved, as personal records, by on line dialogue. The risk mainly applies to statistical data sets representing populations, or samples with a high ratio n/N. On the other hand, access controls are unsatisfactory as a general means of protection for statistical data banks, which should be open to large user communities. A threat monitoring scheme is proposed, which will largely block the techniques for retrieval of complete records. If combined with additional measures (e.g., slight modifications of output), it may be expected to render, from a cost-benefit point of view, intrusion attempts by dialogue valueless, if not absolutely impossible. The bona fide user has to pay by some loss of information, but considerable flexibility in evaluation is retained. The proposal of controlled classification included in the scheme may also be useful for off line dialogue systems.


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