scholarly journals EUROPEAN BORDERS IN TURBULENT TIMES: THE CASE OF THE CENTRAL MEDITERRANEAN ‘EXTENDED BORDERLAND’

Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (5 (50)) ◽  
Author(s):  
Artur Gruszczak

EUROPEAN BORDERS IN TURBULENT TIMES: THE CASE OF THE CENTRAL MEDITERRANEAN ‘EXTENDED BORDERLAND’ This article presents one of the most salient aspects of the migration crisis in the EU, namely the turbulent management of external borders, and analyzing it in the case of the central region of the Mediterranean Sea. The study is focused on risks and threats to the security of the European Union and its member states, particularly Italy, posed by negative aspects of migratory flows and accompanying phenomena such as migrant smuggling, trafficking in human beings, drug smuggling or document frauds. For this purpose, a concept of ‘extended borderland’ is applied as particularly suitable for analyzing border-security policies and actions undertaken by the European Union. The argument developed in this article is that the Central Mediterranean area has been converted into an extended borderland where conventional systems, methods and tools of border management are superseded by spatial taming created by international actors acting through joint maritime operations.

Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3(66)) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Wawrzyniec Banach

European Union towards Western Balkans in the Context of Migration Crisis 2015‑2019 The aim of the article is to analyse the actions taken by the European Union towards the Western Balkans in the context of the migration crisis. The study assumes that the migration crisis was an important factor accelerating the accession process of the Western Balkan countries to the European Union. In order to fulfil the research goal, an analysis of sources (European Union documents) was conducted. The paper uses elements of the theory of the regional security complex as a theoretical framework. Firstly, the activities of the European Union before the migration crisis are discussed. Next, the paper focuses on presenting the course of the crisis on the Western Balkan route. The further part of the study discusses the actions taken by the EU towards the countries of the Western Balkans in response to the migration crisis.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martina Ciani ◽  
Francesca Gagliardi ◽  
Samuele Riccarelli ◽  
Gianni Betti

The main scope of the paper is to adopt a fuzzy sets approach for the measurement of multidimensional poverty over a period of eight years, from 2007 to 2015, which takes into account the effect of the 2008 economic and financial crisis. In particular, the focus is on the financial dimension of poverty, and its effects on citizens in the EU Mediterranean Area. The empirical analysis, based on the European Union—Statistics on Income and Living Conditions survey (EU-SILC), covers eight Mediterranean Countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-54
Author(s):  
Marco Gestri

To face the extraordinary migration crisis and consequent human tragedy in the Mediterranean, the need has emerged to fight human smugglers and traffickers. The European Union (EU) has launched EUNAVFOR MED, a naval crisis management operation aiming to disrupt the business model of human smuggling in the Central Mediterranean. With Resolution 2240 of 9 October 2015, the UN Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, authorised the EU operation to undertake “all measures commensurate to the circumstances” in order to visit, seize, and dispose of vessels used by smugglers. The EU operation is currently limited to the high seas, yet its expansion into Libyan waters and territory is envisaged. This article discusses some issues arising from Resolution 2240 and its implementation by the EU, notably from the viewpoint of the international law of the sea, the rules governing the use of force and human rights law. Problems have also emerged as to the prosecution in Italy of the smugglers apprehended on the high seas. It is submitted that a number of issues have not been clarified by the legal texts adopted and that the action of the EU in this field is still ineffective and rather opaque.


2019 ◽  
pp. 153-158
Author(s):  
Andrzej Sakson

Among the many crises tormenting the Old Continent, the course and consequences of the migration crisis that began in 2015 are particularly noteworthy. There following issues should be highlighted: – the migration crisis manifests the internal weakness of the EU, since it has not been predicted, effectively neutralized nor managed properly; – the migration crisis has produced a division inside the EU; – the migration crisis has led to internal political and social crises in many EU countries; – the migration crisis has produced far-reaching outcomes (such as increased populism and xenophobia, division of Europe into the East and the West).


Author(s):  
Nataliia Popova

The European Union is currently facing multiple crises and challenges, the future shape and character of the Union are being increasingly questioned. The processes occurring in the EU have direct impact on its external relations with other countries. The aim of the article is to analyse the contemporary peculiarities and problems of European Union's development and its impact on further relations between Ukraine and the EU. It argues that the crises management has become a new daily reality for Europe since 2009. Further, the article briefly examines the most significant crisis trends in the EU: economic problems, migration crisis, Euroscepticism, security challenges, Brexit. The latter is considered from two perspectives: as the first step to EU's disintegration and as the chance to rethink the European project. Economic problems as Euro crisis, debt crisis, unemployment are discussed and the main measures for their solving are outlined. The origins, scale and consequences of migration crisis for the EU are determined in the article. The next analyzed problem is the rise of Euroscepticism in the EU, the most influential eurosceptic parties in different EU-countries are named. Key security challenges for the EU with the emphasis on the Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine are examined at the end of the article. As the result of analysis it is concluded that the contemporary problems of the EU have mainly negative impact on the development of the Ukraine-EU relations and its future strongly depends on that, how and when the European Union will overcome all effects of recent crises. Keywords: European Union (EU), Ukraine, migration crisis, Euroscepticism, Brexit, Russian-Ukrainian conflict


With the Treaty of Lisbon, the profile of human rights issues has greatly risen in relation to European Union (EU) policies, whether internal or external. The EU has made the commitment to ensure that all its actions are compliant with human rights, and to seek to promote them. Yet, the Union’s commitment has come under close scrutiny, not only for its groundbreaking character, but also because recent events have put it to the test. The EU has been faced with a number of crises such as the financial-economic crisis and the imposition of austerity measures, the migration crisis, and terrorist attacks. At the same time, the EU has made significant steps to implement its human rights commitment, such as through the binding character of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the adoption of the Strategic Framework and Action Plan on human rights and democracy, and the adoption of human rights country strategies for a large number of third countries. This volume takes stock of these developments. It comprehensively discusses the conceptualisation and operationalisation of the EU’s commitment to human rights throughout its actions, legislative activities, policies, and relationships, and critically assesses them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-443
Author(s):  
Friederike Beier ◽  
Gülay Çağlar

Since more than a decade, the EU is confronted with a number of crises that significantly changed the environment under which the EU operates in the field of gender equality. Evidence shows, that in many European countries, the different crises have led to a deprioritisation of gender equality policies. However, the way in which the new Gender Action Plan for External Relations 2015–2020 of the European Union addresses and operationalises gender equality suggests in contrast a policy shift towards an intensified commitment and more comprehensive understanding of gender. Against this background, this article analyses, first, how the content and the conceptual orientation of gender equality policies in European Union’s external relations have changed in the light of post-crisis recommendations. Second, the article scrutinises the ways in which the European Union tries to tackle the credibility crisis through increasingly intensified and operationalised policy procedures. The argument put forth is that the gender-related indicators in the Gender Action Plan translate complex societal processes into a technical data-based framework and thereby depoliticise gender equality by simulating a technocratic, evidence-based and quantified form of politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (01) ◽  
pp. 1950003
Author(s):  
AUGUSTIN IGNATOV

The European Union (EU) has certainly reduced its influence in the global economic affairs. Despite the fact that it unites 28 nations, including the former great powers such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, the political and economic power of the community has considerably decreased starting with the second half of 2000s. The present research is undertaken with the aim of increasing the readers’ awareness regarding the necessity of enforcing the EU economic security through consolidating the authority of the supranational bodies in relation with national representatives. The objectives to be reached in this regard include assessing how much the governance efficiency alternations among the EU member countries influence the efficiency of the single market in a globalised society. It was found that several processes determined the decline of Europe’s strength including raising globalisation and increasing competition, economic weaknesses of the EU which worsened during the crisis, stagnation of the integration process, feeble leadership and lack of resoluteness, especially in the most developed EU nations, declining adherence to “core” values, migration crisis, little political commitment to protecting EU’s citizens’ interests, and countries’ individualism in promoting key initiatives.


Author(s):  
M. O. Shibkova

The article analyses the influence of Eurosceptic sentiments on the level of solidarity among European Union member states. At the outset of the integration project construction the advantage of the Old Continent unification after being destroyed by the Second World War was apparent. However, with the European Union transformation and the emergence of new challenges, Eurosceptic voices are becoming louder and an increasing number of states start to question the efficiency of supranational institutions and choose to take measures on their own. The main trigger of the rise of Euroscepticism in the new millennium was the financial crisis with austerity measures and citizens' frustration with their low standard of living following. Without taking into consideration the results of the European Parliament Elections 2014, which proved the reinforcement of Eurosceptics, Brussels continued to further develop the integration process. However, with the lapse of time it became clear that Eurosceptics despite being deprived of the right to vote at the supranational level, can implement its potential to influence the EU through their activity within their countries. As a result of their actions the EU is faced up with two serious challenges: Brexit and inability to cope with the migration crisis by common effort. By giving certain examples of the reaction of member states' governments on the migration crisis and illustrating how these actions depend on the extent of Euroscepticism popularity in the countries the author shows that currently the level of European solidarity has become so low that it allows to speak about the transformation of the EU economic crisis into a truly political one.


Author(s):  
Daria Sevastianova ◽  
Leili Rustamova

This article analyzes the German leadership in settlement of the three crises faced by the European Union – the eurozone crisis (2009-2015), migration crisis (2015-2020), and COVID-19 crisis (2020-2021) – in order to determine the specificity of the leadership of Germany in the EU. The conceptual approach for the analysis includes the leadership criteria offered by the German researcher Joachim Schild, which allow drawing the line between the hegemonic and non-hegemonic leadership, as well as consider the factor of legitimacy and soft power. The author also discusses the role of factors that hold back the fulfillment of the leadership potential of Germany. The novelty this research consists in application of this approach for determining the specificity of German leadership on the example of settlement of crises and challenges faced by the European Union, including the ongoing crisis caused by COVID-19 pandemic. The use of case study method allows concluding that Germany, indued with, is capable to show its leadership potential only in the conditions of cooperation with France. The author believes that its successful leadership is impeded by the domestic political factors and politicization of the European agenda in the EU member-states. The relevance of drawn conclusions consists in their contribution to further analysis and forecast of the foreign policy actions of Germany aimed at settling the COVID-19 crisis and other challenges faced by the European Union at the current stage of development.


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