scholarly journals Rechtspopulistische Rhetorik revisited am Beispiel der FPÖ-Wahlkämpfe in den Jahren 2015 und 2016

2019 ◽  
Vol 94 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-82
Author(s):  
Sabine Lehner

Right wing and far right parties have recently succeeded in many elections worldwide. The Austrian Freedom Party (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ), one of the most successful right-wing populist parties of Europe, has lately also enjoyed great popularity in regional and national elections. Norbert Hofer, the FPÖ-candidate, even made it to the run-offs of the presidential election in 2016. This paper draws on a discourse-analytical approach and investigates the discursive strategies implemented by the FPÖ during two election campaigns (the 2015 local elections in Vienna and the 2016 presidential elections). Based on various discursive events of both campaigns (speeches, posters, TV-discussions etc.), this contribution examines if recent right-wing populist rhetoric corresponds to well-known patterns or if there have been some shifts.

Significance Andre Ventura, leader of the far-right Chega (Enough) party, finished third in Portugal’s presidential election in January with 12% of the vote. Most polls now suggest that it is the third most popular party in Portugal. Chega’s core identity centres around its anti-establishment views, as well as hostility towards minority groups, in particular the Roma community. Impacts Local elections in October will be a stronger barometer of Chega’s appeal in Portugal than the presidential election. If Chega continues to expand its support, Portugal’s other right-wing parties could adopt some of its views and rhetoric. Chega founder Ventura’s association with Benfica football club could damage his appeal in the north, where arch-rival Porto dominates. Like other far-right parties, Chega could transition from advocating neoliberalism to more popular economic positions over time.


Significance It was expected that the reshuffle would reflect a policy pivot towards social and environmental priorities in the wake of COVID-19 and as a response to the outcome of local elections this year. Instead, personnel change was very modest and underpinned Macron’s focus on managing the current crisis and consolidating right-wing support ahead of the April 2022 presidential election. Impacts Polls suggest the far-right National Rally is failing to take advantage of the COVID-19 crisis. Recent surges in COVID-19 cases suggest France’s economic recovery will be slower than expected. Rising COVID-19 cases across Europe will increase pressure on the EU to acclerate the rollout of its recovery fund.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Sabina Magliocco

This essay introduces a special issue of Nova Religio on magic and politics in the United States in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election. The articles in this issue address a gap in the literature examining intersections of religion, magic, and politics in contemporary North America. They approach political magic as an essentially religious phenomenon, in that it deals with the spirit world and attempts to motivate human behavior through the use of symbols. Covering a range of practices from the far right to the far left, the articles argue against prevailing scholarly treatments of the use of esoteric technologies as a predominantly right-wing phenomenon, showing how they have also been operationalized by the left in recent history. They showcase the creativity of magic as a form of human cultural expression, and demonstrate how magic coexists with rationality in contemporary western settings.


Author(s):  
Marcin Kosman

Abstract While much research has been done regarding right-wing discourse in modern Europe, the literature of Polish far-right discourse is still insufficient. The present paper discusses the discursive strategies of Grzegorz Braun, one of the leaders of Confederation Liberty and Independence, which were implemented by the politician during the 2019 Gdańsk mayoral campaign. In order to provide a comprehensive analysis of Braun’s discourse, audiovisual materials were included in the study. The findings show that Braun employs positive presentation of the Catholic Church and himself, and negative presentation of his opponents (LGBT activists, immigrants, the European Union, the elites), whom Braun considers to be in an alliance against Poland and its core values under the name of the “Gdańsk Pact”.


Populism ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-115
Author(s):  
Hamzah bin Zaid ◽  
Devin K. Joshi

AbstractWhile many scholars have studied how right-wing populist parties (RWPP) have recently increased their vote shares in national elections in many countries, fewer studies have assessed why some sub-national regions favor RWPP more than others. Addressing this gap in the literature, we analyze regional variation in voter support for one of Europe’s most successful RWPP, the Front National (FN) Party of France which recently made it to the second round of France’s 2017 presidential elections. Our research design examines electoral results across French regions between 1992 and 2017 through the lens of four case studies analyzing regions where the FN has been consistently popular, gained in popularity, declined in popularity, and been consistently unpopular. Comparing these diverse regional cases, our study concludes that regional unemployment, urban support, and to a lesser degree past voting behavior are significant demand-side factors behind regional voting for right wing populism.


2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair Cole

The 2002 Elections In France Were A Gripping Drama Unfolding in four acts. Each act has to be understood as part of a whole, as each election was ultimately dependent upon the results of the first round of the presidential election on 21 April. However untypical in the context of Fifth Republican history, the first round of the presidential election strongly inf luenced the peculiar course of the subsequent contests. The outcome of the first election on the 21 April – at which the far-right leader Jean-Marie Le Pen won through to the second ballot against Jacques Chirac, narrowly distancing the outgoing premier Lionel Jospin – created an electric shock which reverberated around the streets of Paris and other French cities and sparked a civic mobilization without parallel since May '68. The end-result of this exceptional republican mobilization was to secure the easy (initially rather unexpected) re-election of Chirac as president at the second round two weeks later. The election of 5 May was unlike a typical second-round election. Rather than a bipolar contest pitting left and right over a choice of future governmental orientations, it was a plebiscite in favour of democracy (hence Chirac) against the far-right (Le Pen). Chirac was re-elected overwhelmingly as president, supported by at least as many leftwing as right-wing voters. This enforced plebiscite against the extreme right allowed a resurgent Jacques Chirac to claim a renewed presidential authority. At the parliamentary election of 9 and 16 June, the Fifth Republic reverted to a more traditional mode of operation, as a new ‘presidential party’, informally launched just weeks before the elections, obtained a large overall majority of seats to ‘support the President’ in time-honoured Fifth Republican tradition.


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoonjae Nam ◽  
Yeon-Ok Lee ◽  
Han Woo Park

This article examines the web ecology of the 2010 local elections in South Korea by using social science hyperlink analysis. The online networks of candidates were measured daily during the official campaign period. The results indicate that network dynamics among the candidates for education superintendent changed more rapidly as the campaign progressed than in the case of the mayoral candidates. However, the intensity of online networks for both campaigns was lower than for the country’s last presidential election, in 2007, suggesting that the web ecology of a given election is influenced by the perceived importance of the event and the general popularity of certain candidates. The results also suggest that producing and disseminating information, such as news articles, blog posts and tweets, reflects a more politically conscious action than referring to information via hyperlinks. Furthermore, the article sheds light on the ways in which hyperlink analysis serves as a research method for mining data for web ecology analysis, tracking political events at different points in time and illustrating the general landscape of electoral communication in cyberspace.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 23-39
Author(s):  
Carl J. Saxer

The 2002 presidential election in South Korea was seen by some commentators as a 'generational earthquake'. It was argued that younger voters, defi ned as those belonging to the 20–30 age groups, had become more mobilized and active than in any previous election, and that consequently the persistent regionalism that had characterized South Korean national elections for so long was fi nally at an end. It was also claimed that the 2002 election marked a repositioning of ideology and policy preferences at centre stage. The present article, however, argues that while ideology and policy preferences did indeed assume greater importance, and while generational issues also came to the fore, yet the predominant factor in the 2002 election remained – as in previous presidential elections in South Korea – a persistent, almost static, regional voting pattern.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (6) ◽  
pp. 898-917 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celine-Marie Pascale

The modus operandi of far-right political groups is crafted through strategic and systematic relationships between symbolic and material forms of violence. This article considers the discursive strategies currently deployed by rising far-right movements around the globe by examining the weaponization of language – the rapid acceleration of signifying practices that lay the essential cornerstones of material violence. Authoritarian governments weaponize language to amplify resentments, target scapegoats, and to legitimize injustice. The article provides an overview of the discursive strategies being used to expand and consolidate far-right politics. It focuses on four interlocking components of weaponized language: propaganda, disinformation, censorship, and mundane discourse. The article concludes by considering the unique intellectual space sociological studies of language offer for addressing the communicative and social chaos created by right-wing discursive tactics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 2499-2504
Author(s):  
Anwar Ouassini ◽  
Mostafa Amini

One of the enduring narratives of the 2016 presidential election was the nostalgic journey President Trump took the American public on to construct his ‘Islamophobic memory’ surrounding General Pershing’s actions during the American occupation of the Philippines. While the mobilization of memory by political actors is not new in Presidential elections, the mechanism utilized to impose and mobilize pubic memory was. This paper explores how the President Trump’s tweets via the Twitter social media platform transform into ‘mediated sites of contention’ in the nurturance of public nostalgia. As a public ‘site’ that is visited by millions of people -the tweet not only memorializes events of the past but it mobilizes meaning, memory, and the society’s sense of self, which has the ability to redirect and shape public memory. We argue that Trump’s nostalgic colonial folklore via the tweet serves his ideological sentiments and larger political platforms in order to promote a vision of the past to provide his right-wing ideologies and movement supporters currency.


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