scholarly journals O Projeto de Desintegração do Foro para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (Prosul): um Bloco de regressividade autônoma | The (Dis)Integration Project of the Forum for the Progress and Development of South America (PROSUL): a regressive autonomy block

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e58886
Author(s):  
Willyan Alvarez Viégas ◽  
Bernardo Salgado Rodrigues
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Free Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Central Hypothesis ◽  
Integration Project

A segunda década do século XXI apresentou um cenário de fragilidades socioeconômicas com sucessivas crises políticas, ampliando a vulnerabilidade externa e a incapacidade estatal de planejamento na América do Sul. No plano regional, constata-se a proeminência da fragmentação, do regionalismo aberto e da retomada de projetos hemisféricos e/ou tratados de livre-comércio. O presente artigo possui o objetivo de ensejar o debate da integração sul-americana na década de 2020, a partir das experiências políticas deste início de século. Utilizando o método qualitativo da análise de documentos oficiais do embrionário Foro para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), a hipótese central é de que este novo bloco consiste numa tentativa de substituir o modelo prévio de integração autônoma por uma integração conservadora alinhada aos interesses liberais e estadunidenses. Por conseguinte, conclui-se que a América do Sul vem sendo afligida por um processo de desintegração regional.Palavras-chave: integração regional; América do Sul; PROSUL.ABSTRACTIn the second decade of the 21st century, South America presented socioeconomic fragilities with successive political crises, increasing the external vulnerability and the state's incapacity for planning. At the regional level, it was verified the prominence of fragmentation, open regionalism and the resurgence of hemispheric projects and free trade agreements. This article aims to promote the debate on South American integration in the 2020 decade, based on the political experiences of the beginning of this century. By Using the qualitative method of analyzing official documents of The Fórum para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), this article presents as its central hypothesis that this new block consists in an attempt to replace the previous model of autonomous integration with a conservative integration aligned to liberal and American interests. Consequently, this research concludes that there is a process of regional disintegration affecting South America in the last years.Keywords: regional integration; South America; PROSUL. Recebido em: 02 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 05 out. 2021.

The Venezuelan Crisis and Brazil’s South American Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Herejk Ribeiro
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South America ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Regional Economic ◽  
Brazilian Government ◽  
Bargaining Position ◽  
Initial Support

The political crisis in Venezuela is one of the most important regional developments for Brazil in 2016, aside from its own domestic crisis and the election of Macri in Argentina. The interim government has showed willingness to undertake major changes in Brazil’s regional foreign policy. The Venezuelan crisis is a parameter to analyze the political realignments after years of stability, but slower than intended progress in South American regional integration. The initial support for venezuelan opposition against the Chavist government symbolizes a swerve towards uncertainty in Mercosur and happens in the context of pressure to sign extra-regional economic agreements. Currently, interim Brazilian leadership is playing the “democracy card”, although the disrespect for democracy is not an exclusive feature of Venezuela in South America, but a recurring phenomenon in the region. Instead of blaming any side for the crisis, Brazil should use Unasur mechanisms to extinguish the fire and work for a middle path in the troubled transition of power in Venezuela. Thus, Brazil could revitalize Mercosur and persuade the South American leaders on the benefits of regionalism over unrestrained globalization. Otherwise, the Brazilian government may lose their bargaining position as a regional leader and interlocutor with the outside world; and South America may have a disordered process of globalization.

scholarly journals The Role of UNASUR in the South American Democratic Crises (2008-2015)

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias David Morales Martinez ◽  
Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Initial Phase ◽  
Consensus Building ◽  
South American ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
The South ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
Central Hypothesis

The paper aims to analyze the performance of UNASUR in its first initial phase of activities in cases of democratic crises that happened in South America, during the period 2008-2015. Thus, it examines the cases of Bolivia (2008), Ecuador (2010), Paraguay (2012) and Venezuela (2014-2015). The central hypothesis of this study is that the defense of democracy and its institutions has been incorporated as one of the fundamental elements of the organization. Therefore, UNASUR is guided by political dialogue and consensus building for the maintenance of the democratic order in the South American countries and, consequently, a deepening of the regional integration process. It is argued that UNASUR includes democracy as one of its core values and acts to defend it in unstable situation. Therefore, the strengthening of the organization depends, among other factors, on its ability to resolve conflicts and promote democracy in the continent.

scholarly journals Problems and prospects of MERCOSUR as a civilizational political project of South America

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Mikhail Valer'evich Gorbachev
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Core State ◽  
The South ◽  
Project Approach ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Key Participants ◽  
Further Development

  This article discusses the political projects of civilizational level, which are designed and implemented in South America. The author examines MERCOSUR as the largest regional civilizational political project, its sociocultural foundation and institutional superstructure; functionality of the “core state” in formation and maintenance of the South American civilizational political project; problems of development and future implementation. The article reveals conflict potential of MERCOSUR, as well as sociocultural capabilities for its overcoming by the “core state” of the project. The research was conducted via application of civilizational-project methodology of interpretation of policy, which is based on methodological synthesis of the principles of project approach with provisions of the theory of civilizations. The author was able to determine the value grounds of MERCOSUR, which comprise its sociocultural foundation; identify the countries competing for status of the “core state” within the framework of this project. The nature of commonality between the key participants of the projects is identified. Problems and prospect of further development of MERCOSUR civilizational projects are defined.  

Political Leadership, Informality, and Regional Integration in East Asia: The Evolution of Asean Plus Three

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshimatsu Hidetaka
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Free Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
Regional Public Goods ◽  
Catalytic Role ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
Shared Norms

AbstractSince the late 1990s, moves towards regional integration and cooperation have gained momentum in East Asia. The regional countries have expanded and deepened integration initiatives under the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) framework that consists of ASEAN countries, China, Japan and South Korea. What factors have promoted the development of regional integration and economic cooperation in the region? This article addresses this question in terms of collectively shared norms and political leadership. Informality, a representative common norm, played a catalytic role in first nurturing communication for regional cooperation and inducing a reluctant state to join the cooperative framework. Importantly, the development of regional cooperation under the APT framework was accompanied by a shift in emphasis from informal to formal settings. Moreover, leadership shown by China and Japan has played a crucial role in promoting the regional integration initiatives. While China has taken the initiative in propelling regional free trade agreements and economic development and integration in the Indochina countries, Japan has taken the lead in developing financial and monetary architectures and other cooperative mechanisms. Rivalry for political leadership has induced the two countries to provide regional public goods in a positive-sum game manner.

FREE TRADE AGREEMENTS AND BRIDGEHEAD EFFECT: EVIDENCE FROM KOREA–CHILE FTA

2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (05) ◽  
pp. 1550098
Author(s):  
KICHUN KANG ◽  
PHYLLIS KEYS ◽  
YOON S. SHIN
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Direct Evidence ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Free Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Aggregate Industry

Recent literature on the dynamics of export destinations has argued that firms export their products to new markets that are geographically close and culturally related to their previous export destinations. A modified version of [Melitz, M (2003). The impact of trade on intra-industry reallocations and aggregate industry productivity. Econometrica, 71(6), 1695–1725.] model suggests that a preferential trade agreement may provide inefficient firms with opportunities to export their products to third destination countries. This paper finds that new Korean products have been exported to the Chile market because of reductions in Chilean tariffs and the experience gained from exporting to the Chilean market has increased the likelihood of subsequent export to other countries in South America. The paper provides direct evidence that a free trade agreement (FTA) can serve as a stepping stone to other markets.

scholarly journals A política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical blocA política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical bloc

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiago Nery
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South America ◽  
International System ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Business Elites ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Conservative Coalition ◽  
Industrial Bourgeoisie

O ciclo de governos progressistas no Brasil, que começou com a eleição de Lula em 2002 e terminou com a derrubada de Dilma Rousseff em 2016, foi responsável por uma política externa autônoma que procurou reposicionar o país e a América do Sul no sistema internacional. Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) lideraram uma coalizão produtivista heterogênea formada por frações da burguesia industrial e setores das classes trabalhadoras. Lula teve um papel importante na criação da Unasul, que constitui a dimensão política do regionalismo sul-americano. A ruptura da ordem democrática levou ao poder uma coalizão conservadora que reunificou as elites empresariais e alterou a orientação da política externa. A coalizão liderada pelo MDB-PSDB tem adotado uma política externa que subordinou o Brasil à potência hegemônica e vem contribuindo para a paralisia e a desconstrução da Unasul enquanto bloco geopolítico.ABSTRACTThe cycle of progressive governments in Brazil, which begun with Lula’s election in 2002 and ended with the overthrow of Dilma Rousseff in 2016, was responsible for an autonomous foreign policy that sought to reposition the country and South America in the international system. The Workers Party’s (PT) governments led a heterogeneous productivist coalition made up of fractions of the industrial bourgeoisie and sectors of the working classes. Lula played an important role in the creation of Unasur, which is the political dimension of South American regionalism. The rupture of the democratic order brought to power a conservative coalition that reunified the business elites and changed the orientation of foreign policy. The coalition led by MDB-PSDB has adopted a foreign policy that subordinated Brazil to the hegemonic power and has contributed to the paralysis and the deconstruction of Unasur as a geopolitical bloc.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; coalizões políticas; UnasulKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; political coalitions; UnasurRecebido em 6 de Julho de 2018 | Received on July 6, 2018Aceito em 6 de Setembro de 2018 | Accepted on September 6, 2018 

scholarly journals Free Trade Agreement between Turkey and Russian Federation and its Possible Effects to these Countries’ Trade and Taxational Reflections

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raşit Gültekin ◽  
Mustafa Erkan Üyümez
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Free Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Restrictions ◽  
The Impact

The last period of international trade in goods covers a process carried out with globalization and regionalization efforts. Many countries, on the one hand, take part in arrangements that are executed under the leadership by global actors and aim at removing or reducing conventional obstacles to international trade, on the other hand, participate in various and regional economic integrations to provide a more deep and comprehensive economic cooperation and to cope with the competition and trade restrictions which continually increasing due to political, commercial and economical motives. Trade relations between Turkey and Russian Federation is an important element of the two countries' multidimensional cooperation. The most effective attempt to raise the top level of the volume and quality of existing commercial relationships will be the signing and putting into practice of a comprehensive free trade agreements between the two countries that have not been done previously. The purpose of this study is to determine the potential effects of such a free trade agreements between Turkey and Russian Federation in terms of trade in goods between two countries. To this end, in this study, theoretical aspects of free trade agreements' effects and place within regional integration types will be considered the impact of the possible Turkey-Russia free trade agreement will be examined in a framework of basic provisions with customs duties that set out in free trade agreements, recent trade data and key issues related to these countries.

scholarly journals TRADE CREATION DAN TRADE DIVERSION ANTARA INDONESIA DAN NEGARA-NEGARA ASEAN-KOREA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-81
Author(s):  
Tresna Ritaningsih ◽  
Dedi Budiman Hakim ◽  
Sahara Sahara
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Free Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Diversion ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Creation ◽  
Implementation Phase ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
The Impact

Indonesia has several free trade agreements with trading partners that aimed to eliminate tariff and non tariff trade barriers. One of the free trade agreements is ASEAN-Korea FTA. Trade agreement in goods in ASEAN-Korea FTA was agreed since 2007 and now it is entering the implementation phase. The objective of this research is to determine whether the ASEAN-Korea FTA would increase the trade flows between Indonesia and ASEAN-Korea’ countries by analyzing the impact of regional integration on trade creation and trade diversion. This research is utilized balance panel data including 13 countries from 1998-2012. The empirical result shows that all Indonesia's trading sectors experienced decline because of trade diversion and trade creation does not occur. Indonesia's import trading with the non-member countries of ASEAN-Korea is 68% lower than the existing trading. Key word: trade creation, trade diversion, free trade agreement, trade in goods

Brazil’s Role in Latin American Regionalism

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier A. Vadell ◽  
Clarisa Giaccaglia
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
South American ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The South ◽  
Integration Model ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
The One ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean

The roots of Latin American regionalism blend together with the birth of the region’s states, and despite its vicissitudes, the integrationist ideal represents the most ambitious form of regional feeling. It is an ancient process that has undergone continuous ups and downs as a result of domestic and foreign restrictions. In the early 21st century, the deterioration of the “open regionalism” strategy, along with the rise to power of diverse left governments, led to the development of a “physical-structural,” “post-liberal,” “post-neoliberal,” or “post-hegemonic” integration model. In this context, Brazil—governed by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva—constituted itself as a crucial protagonist and main articulator of the South American integrationist project. From this perspective, in addition to the existing MERCOSUR, UNASUR was created, and it encompassed the whole subcontinent, thus reaffirming the formulation of regional policies regarding the concept of “South America.” At present, however, a new stage of these regionalisms has started. Today, the Latin American and Caribbean dynamics seem to bifurcate, on the one hand, into a reissue of open regionalism—through the Pacific Alliance—and, on the other hand, into a fragmentation process of South America as a geopolitical bloc and regional actor in the global system. Regarding this last point, it is unavoidable to link the regional integration crisis to the critical political and economic situation undergone by Brazil, considered as the leader of the South American process. In short, the withdrawal of the Brazilian leadership in South America, along with the shifts and disorientations that took place in UNASUR and MERCOSUR, have damaged the credibility of the region’s initiatives, as well as the possibility to identify a concerted voice in South America as a distinguishable whole. That regional reality poses an interesting challenge that implies, to a great extent, making a heuristic effort to avoid being enclosed by the concepts and assumptions of the processes of regionalism and integration that were born to explain the origin, evolution, and development of the European Union. From this perspective, the authors claim that the new phase experienced by Latin American regionalisms cannot be understood as a lack of institutionality—as it is held by those perspectives that support the explanations that they “mirror” the European process—but rather it answers chiefly to a self-redefinition process influenced by significant alterations that occurred both in global and national conjunctures and that therefore, have had an impact on the regional logic. Given the regional historical tradition marked by vicissitudes, the authors believe that they can hardly talk about a “Sudamexit” (SouthAmexit in English) process, namely, an effective abandonment of regionalisms. Recognizing the distinctive features of Latin American and Caribbean countries, rather, leads us to think of dynamics that generate a complex and disorganized netting in which the political-institutional course of development of Brazil will have relevant repercussions in the future Latin American and Caribbean process as a whole.

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